Cited by 0Historical and Religious Studies of RomeClassical Antiquity StudiesBiblical Studies and Interpretation

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Christianity and Rome

Drake, H. A.·2017·Oxford Scholarship Online

Abstract

While Constantine’s conversion to Christianity changed the deity, it did not change the ideology of the Roman empire. Before Constantine’s relationship with Christianity, there was no religious body in the empire capable of providing a sanction for imperial rule similar to what a vote in the Roman Senate had been able to do. Roman religion was conducted by the same civic authorities who performed “secular duties”; the emperor as pontifex maximus could not credibly ratify himself. But over the centuries, Christians had developed an empire-wide organization completely independent of government control. As the new legitimators of imperial power, bishops demanded and got the right to pass judgment on emperors. The division was neatly framed with give and take on both sides; but from this perspective, the Christian turn to coercion is better analyzed as an outgrowth of power relationships than as the product of an inherent intolerance.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

Drake argues that Constantine's conversion changed the deity of the Roman empire but not its underlying political ideology, and that the Christian turn to coercion is better explained by power relationships than by an inherent Christian intolerance. The chapter compares Christianity's encounter with Rome to Buddhism's encounter with China to isolate what was distinctive about the Roman case.

Key findings

  • Constantine's conversion "changed the deity, it did not change the ideology": Roman imperial legitimacy already required a close personal tie between emperor and a divine *comes*, and Christian bishops—possessing an empire-wide organization independent of government—stepped into the legitimating role the Senate could no longer fill, demanding and getting the right to pass judgment on emperors.
  • The coercive turn is attributed to power dynamics rather than doctrine: "the Christian turn to coercion is better analyzed as an outgrowth of power relationships than as the product of an inherent intolerance," with contributing factors including persecution-driven insecurity, rapid adult conversion (estimates of Christians at the outbreak of the Great Persecution in 303 CE range from 5 percent to 15 percent), and a newly pugnacious fourth-century leadership.
  • Rome's imperial ideology demanded public display of a *consensus omnium*, giving Christian leaders leverage that Buddhists in China lacked; Drake cites Bremmer's call to study religious violence from a global perspective, noting polytheism in South-East and East Asia has been "just as violent as modern Europe."
  • Christian narrative strategies—the apology, the martyrology, and especially the sermon—shaped Christian identity and adaptation; Brent Shaw is cited as reckoning Augustine alone delivered about 6,000 sermons and North Africa about 5 million over the fourth century.

Methods

  • Comparative historical essay rather than an empirical study: it juxtaposes the Christian–Roman encounter (beginning with Tacitus's account of Nero and the Great Fire of 64 CE) against the Buddhist–Chinese encounter (beginning with Emperor Ming's dream), using Constantine's conversion narratives (Lactantius's dream, Eusebius's vision) as the pivot.
  • Evidence is textual and documentary: ancient sources including Tacitus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Tertullian, and the *Corpus Hermeticum*, plus modern scholarship (Gibbon, Brown, Cameron, Shaw, Bremmer, and others).
  • Illustrative quantitative anchors include the 251 CE church in Rome—46 priests, 14 deacons and subdeacons, 42 acolytes, 53 exorcists/readers/custodians, and care for 1,500 widows and paupers—and the Senate's roughly two-tenths of 1 percent share of an empire-wide population of perhaps 50 million.

Limitations

  • Stated: the paper concedes that "many of the surviving martyr accounts are late and suspect," that martyrs likely had more impact on Christians than on non-Christians, and that "nobody knows for sure" the Christian population figures, which rest on estimates. It also acknowledges the bishop–emperor division "was never so neatly framed."
  • Evident from the text: the argument rests on elite literary sources (Tacitus, Eusebius, Lactantius) that are themselves tendentious, and the Rome–China comparison is used illustratively rather than as a systematically matched case design, so the causal claim about coercion is interpretive rather than tested.

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Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0003

Cites

Statistics

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Verification

Claims the paper makes

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Show all 39 claims

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 42
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 14
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 1
50 of 50
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The ancient sources (Tacitus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Tertullian) reliably report the events and statements the paper uses them for.

    “But the Roman historian Tacitus, who chronicled Nero's actions in his Annals about g7Ffty years later, writes that the emperor was popularly suspected of being responsible for the g7Fre and so decided to de ect blame by focusing on an obscure sect from the backwater region of Judea.”
    “According to Bishop Eusebius of Caesarea, who wrote an in uential Life of Constantine that was published only a few years after the emperor's death in 337 CE , Constantine was marching at the head of his troops sometime prior to this encounter when”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The apologists can be treated as a notional category, the embodiment of Christianity's missionizing impulse.

    “if we think of them as a notional category, the embodiment of Christianity's missionizing impulse, they may stand for a degree of exibility and adaptability that helps explain the spread of Christianity long before Constantine entered the picture.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    There was a Christian turn to coercion: newly empowered Christians used the coercive mechanisms of the state against internal and external opponents.

    “the readiness with which newly empowered Christians began to use the coercive mechanisms of the state against internal and external opponents”
    “the Christian turn to coercion”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    At the outbreak of the Great Persecution in 303 CE, the Christian population of the empire was between 5 percent and 15 percent, with the bulk concentrated in the eastern provinces.

    “estimates of the extent of the population that was Christian at the outbreak of the Great Persecution in 303 CE range from a low of 5 percent to a high of 15 percent, with the bulk of that number concentrated in the eastern provinces.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Christian preparation for initiation was extensive, involving a lengthy period as a catechumen.

    “Christian preparation for initiation was extensive, especially by ancient standards, involving a lengthy period as a catechumen, during which time the initiate learned the essential tenets of the faith and became socialized into the community.”
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Citations

Metadata

Authors
Drake, H. A.
Corresponding author
Drake, H. A.
Venue
Oxford Scholarship Online
Published
2017-06-22
OpenAlex
W4232325696
Cited by
0
References
0
FWCI
0.00
Type
book
Language
en
Open access
closed
Locations
Oxford University Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Historical and Religious Studies of Rome
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Classics › Classical Antiquity Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Biblical Studies and Interpretation
Keywords
Constantine the Great, Christianization of the Roman Empire, Roman religion, imperial legitimacy, pontifex maximus, bishops, church-state relations, religious coercion, power relations, early Christianity

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