Cited by 0Classical Antiquity StudiesHistorical and Religious Studies of RomeClassical Studies and Legal History

The DOI matches its Crossref record, with a small difference in title or year; none of the 35 sources its claims cite is checked for support yet.

From Superstitio to Heresy

Salzman, Michele Renee·2017·Oxford Scholarship Online

Abstract

There are obvious similarities between Roman laws against superstitio—defined as excessive religious credulity, hence magic and private divination, and then paganism—and Roman laws against heresy: both sets of laws represent attempts by the state to define and prohibit religious behaviors. Yet for all their similarities, justifications for laws against heresy were significantly different from those against superstitio. Heresy laws prohibited not just behaviors but beliefs. A comparison of laws on superstitio and heresy in the early fifth-century Theodosian Code shows how heresy laws were directly tied to a Christian tradition of divine law that focused on the precepts and rules laid down by the Christian God himself—God’s law—in a way that was not the case for laws on superstitio. This chapter thus elucidates a fundamental shift in the nature of imperial authority as emperors aligned themselves with a new, unassailable source of power.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This chapter compares Roman laws on *superstitio* (magic, illicit divination, and later paganism) with laws on heresy in the fifth-century Theodosian Code, arguing that heresy laws were uniquely justified by divine law—God's law—in a way *superstitio* laws were not. This innovation, begun under Constantine and consolidated under Theodosius I, gave emperors a new, divinely sanctioned source of authority that contrasts with contemporary Chinese Buddhist notions of retributive justice.

Key findings

  • Laws on *superstitio* restricted practices and were justified by civic good and public order, whereas heresy laws criminalized beliefs and were tied to divine law; *sacrilegium* became standard for heretics for the first time in the Code (Arians called a "poisonous sacrilege," *C. Th.* 16.5.6.1; Eunomians and Arians "sacrilegious doctrine," *C. Th.* 16.5.8).
  • Constantine's heresy laws were innovative (a 326 CE law denying heretics religious privileges; the *Letter to Heretics* justifying confiscation of meeting places by his own "blessedness," i.e., salvation), while his *superstitio* laws were not; the author finds no extant Constantinian law prohibiting pagan sacrifice.
  • Under Gratian, Valentinian II, and Theodosius I (379–391 CE), there are thirteen laws on heretics (*C. Th.* 16.5.5–.16; 16.2.25) versus only six against pagan cult and magic/illicit divination (16.10.7–.11; 9.16.11), and the term *superstitio* disappears from laws against pagan cult and magic in this period.
  • Under Theodosius II and Valentinian III (425–450 CE), there are five laws against heretics (16.5.62–66) plus a sixth in the *Novellae* of Valentinian, versus one law against pagan practices (16.10.25, 435 CE); the 428 CE law ranked heresies from bad to worse, placing Manichaeans at "the lowest depth of wickedness" and linking them to magic.

Methods

  • Historical and legal analysis comparing laws on *superstitio* and heresy preserved in the Theodosian Code (promulgated 438 CE), many also in the sixth-century Justinianic Code, across three periods: Constantine (312–337 CE), Gratian/Valentinian II/Theodosius I (379–391 CE), and Theodosius II/Valentinian III (425–450 CE).
  • Sources are the laws themselves, supplemented by imperial public pronouncements (e.g., Constantine's *Letter to the Provincials of the East* and *Letter to Heretics* preserved by Eusebius) to elucidate legislative intent, plus secondary scholarship (Humfress, Sandwell, Hall, Norderval, Errington, and others).

Limitations

  • Stated by the author: laws in the Code were generally drafted by the *quaestor sacri palatii*, not the emperor personally; the Code's laws were collected and excerpted for publication, so fuller explanations may have been excised; and laws resulted from a constant dialectic between law in practice and law as written, each with a specific context. She also states she does not discuss bishops or councils at length.
  • Evident in the text: the argument about imperial intent is inferential—the author concedes that "to what degree individual emperors consciously grasped the inherent power that came from this claim is perhaps not a question we can answer given our sources."

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0016

Cites

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

0 of 35 cited sources checked · 0 supported · 0 flagged

Show all 63 claims

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 31
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 17
42 of 42
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The law itself reflected the views of the imperial consistory despite the quaestor's shaping of its language.

    “His shaping of the language of the law does not undermine the fact that the law itself re ected the views of the imperial consistory.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    If Constantine had outlawed pagan sacrifice, the compilers of the Theodosian Code would have included such a law.

    “First, if he had, the compilers of the Code would have included such a law.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Public pronouncements by emperors can elucidate the intent of some laws.

    “Fuller explanations for imperial legal actions may well have been excised, which is why, at times, I have turned to public pronouncements by emperors to elucidate the intent of some laws.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The number of laws in the Theodosian Code on a topic indicates the emperors' level of concern about that topic.

    “or so it would appear based on the sheer number of laws on heretics in the Theodosian Code”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The presence or absence of the term superstitio in laws reflects the legal justifications and concerns of the emperors.

    “It is striking that even the emotionally laden term s uperstitio disappears from the laws against pagan cult and magic in this period”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The extant laws in the Theodosian Code are a representative sample of imperial legislation on heresy, pagan cult, magic, and divination for the periods discussed.

    “there are some thirteen laws on heretics (16.5.5-.16, 379388 CE , and 16.2.25, 380 CE ) from this period, and less than half as many, only six, laws against pagan cult and magic/illicit divination”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Bishops and councils convened to determine positions about correct and incorrect beliefs and practices.

    “Bishops and councils convened to determine positions about correct and incorrect beliefs and practices.”
7 of 7

Metadata

Authors
Salzman, M. R.
Corresponding author
Salzman, Michele Renee
Venue
Oxford Scholarship Online
Published
2017-06-22
OpenAlex
W4255964321
Cited by
0
References
0
FWCI
0.00
Type
book
Language
en
Open access
closed
Locations
Oxford University Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Classics › Classical Antiquity Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Historical and Religious Studies of Rome
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Classical Studies and Legal History
Keywords
heresy, Roman law, Theodosian Code, early fifth century, paganism, magic, imperial authority, state regulation of religion

About these checks

Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.

A language model drew the claims from the paper on 2026-10-21, under version 3 of the claim definition (model deepseek-v4.1-flash, prompt extract-v3).

A second model labelled each claim on 2026-10-21 (model jev-1.13-20260917, definition revision gold-guideline-v0.2).

Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.

Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.

What counts as a claim ›How we measure confidence ›How we check this ›

Are you an author, or do you see a problem with this page? Request a review