Cited by 9Populism, Right-Wing MovementsPolitical Economy and MarxismItalian Fascism and Post-war Society

The DOI matches its Crossref record; 3 of the 3 references it cites were found in a registry or an index; none of the 4 sources its claims cite is checked for support yet.

Neoliberalism and Fascism

Patnaik, Prabhat·2020·Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES

Abstract

Fascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena. These movements must be distinguished from the general right-wing parties and movements of different hues. The latter would no doubt appear to shade into the former; nonetheless the sui generis character of the former must be underscored. This article explores the characteristics specific to these movements and poses the following questions: under what conditions do these fringe movements come to occupy center stage? What is the class basis for their coming to power? How do we explain the rise of these movements in contemporary times? And how can we visualize, in the current conjuncture, the further journey of these movements in situations where they happen to have actually come to power?

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This article argues that fascist movements are distinct from ordinary right-wing parties and thrive when economic crisis, bourgeois political incapacity, and Left weakness coincide. It contends that neoliberalism creates a protracted crisis and political closure that makes fascism a persistent presence, transcending only through a Left-led break from neoliberal capitalism.

Key findings

  • Fascist movements are defined by four properties: acute hatred of a minority “enemy within,” unreason impervious to evidence, movement-building for social hegemony, and willingness to combine street violence with state power.
  • Fascism rises when three conditions are met: people urgently want a break from crisis, traditional bourgeois formations cannot provide it, and the Left cannot seize the initiative; in Germany, Nazi vote share rose from 2.8% in 1928 to 37.4% in July 1932.
  • Under neoliberalism, globalized finance imposes policy closure, real wages cease rising while productivity rises, and an ex ante overproduction tendency becomes an ex post protracted crisis with no bourgeois or social-democratic exit.
  • Contemporary fascism is unlikely to provide crisis relief or large-scale war as in the 1930s, so it may be more lingering; the Left can counter it only by winning over liberals and pursuing policies that require delinking from globalized finance.

Methods

  • Theoretical political-economy essay, not an empirical study; it develops conceptual distinctions and causal conditions for fascist movements and states.
  • Uses historical comparison, especially 1930s Germany and Japan, alongside contemporary examples from the USA, Europe, and India.
  • Draws on secondary sources and illustrative statistics, including Indian employment data and peasant suicides, to support the argument.

Limitations

  • The paper states that its discussion is pitched at a certain level of generality and may not capture important specificities of particular movements in particular countries.
  • Evident from the text: there is no systematic empirical test, formal sample, or comparative case-selection procedure; evidence is illustrative and largely secondary.
  • Evident from the text: the article offers no explicit limitations section beyond the generality caveat, and its predictions about contemporary fascism are analytical rather than empirically validated.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1177/2277976019901029

Cites

3 of 3 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

58 Own interpretation · 3 Sources not found · 3 No basis given

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 21
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 15
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 2
32 of 32
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Fascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena.

    “Fascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena.”
    “Fascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Fascist movements invariably invoke acute hatred against some hapless minority groups, treating them as the 'enemy within' in a narrative of aggressive hypernationalism, and attribute all the existing social ills of the 'nation' to the presence of such groups.

    “first, they invariably invoke acute hatred against some hapless minority groups, treating them as the 'enemy within' in a narrative of aggressive hypernationalism, and attribute all the existing social ills of the 'nation' to the presence of such groups;”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Fascist movements are not averse to the use of street violence for achieving their political ends, and visualize, even in the event of having access to state power, a combination of street violence and the use of state power against the targeted minorities, and against all liberal, democratic, and progressive opinion that is opposed to them.

    “fourth, they are not averse to the use of street violence for achieving their political ends, and visualize, even in the event of having access to state power, a combination of street violence and the use of state power against the targeted minorities, and, of course, against all liberal, democratic, and progressive opinion that is opposed to them.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Metropolitan capital in the new situation locates activities in the low-wage Third World countries for meeting global demand, instead of, as earlier, locating activities within the metropolis itself.

    “First, metropolitan capital in the new situation locates activities in the low-wage Third World countries for meeting global demand, instead of, as earlier, locating activities within the metropolis itself.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The propensity to consume out of wage incomes is higher than the propensity to consume out of surplus incomes.

    “since the propensity to consume out of wage incomes is higher than the propensity to consume out of surplus incomes,”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In the USA, a dollar of income generates a larger consumption than a dollar of income in China or India.

    “In the USA, for instance, a dollar of income generates a larger consumption than a dollar of income in China or India,”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Capital is globalized, that is, international, and the state remains a nation-state.

    “In a world where capital is globalized, that is, international, and the state remains a nation-state,”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Fascist movements move center stage at certain historical junctures.

    “While such movements may be fringe phenomena at most times, there are certain historical junctures at which they move center stage.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Finance capital does not approve of state intervention for directly stimulating aggregate demand; it wants state intervention exclusively in its own interest.

    “finance capital does not approve of any state intervention for directly stimulating aggregate demand (in fact, it wants state intervention exclusively in its own interest)”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In the USA, nearly a third of public sector employees are unionized, while the private sector figure is about 7 per cent.

    “in the USA, for instance, while nearly a third of the employees in the public sector (including in the sphere of education) are unionized, the corresponding figure for the private sector is only about 7 per cent.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Large-scale peasant suicides in India under neoliberalism cost 300,000 peasant lives over a decade and a half and are unprecedented in India's history.

    “The large-scale peasant suicides in India under neoliberalism, which has cost 300,000 peasant lives over a period of a decade and a half, and which is quite unprecedented in India's history”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    During the dirigiste period in India, GDP growth was around 3.5 per cent and employment growth around 2 per cent per annum; under neoliberalism, GDP growth doubled and employment growth dropped to less than 1 per cent per annum.

    “During the dirigiste period, the rate of GDP growth was just around 3.5 per cent, which doubled in the neoliberal period, a fact much celebrated by successive governments and the Bretton Woods institutions. But during the dirigiste period, the rate of growth of employment was around 2 per cent per annum, while under neoliberalism, it has dropped to less than 1 per cent per annum!”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The anti-colonial struggles in the 1930s took off because the peasantry, suffering under the Great Depression, joined in large numbers owing to the promise that such distress would never again visit them after independence.

    “The anti-colonial struggles in these countries had taken off in the 1930s because the peasantry, suffering under the impact of the Great Depression, had joined it in large numbers, owing to its promise that such distress would never again visit them after independence.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Finance capital today is international and opposed to any partitioning of the world.

    “But finance capital today is international and hence opposed to any partitioning of the world whatsoever.”
14 of 14

Citations

Cites

Show all 3 references

Research works printed but not linked: 1

  1. Kindleberger C. P., 1973, The world in depression, 1929–1939

Metadata

Authors
Patnaik, P.
Affiliations
Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences-II, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.
Venue
Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES
Published
2020-02-27
Volume
9
Issue
1
Pages
33-49
ISSN
  • 2277-9760 (ISSN-L)
  • 2321-0281
OpenAlex
W3024771502
Cited by
8
References
3
Citations by year
2026: 1 · 2025: 2 · 2024: 1 · 2023: 3 · 2020: 1
FWCI
2.74
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
closed
Locations
  • Agrarian South Journal of Political Economy A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES (publishedVersion)
  • RePEc: Research Papers in Economics (submittedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Populism, Right-Wing Movements
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political Economy and Marxism
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Italian Fascism and Post-war Society
Keywords
neoliberalism, fascism, neo-fascism, right-wing movements, political power

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