Cited by 10Korean Peninsula Historical and Political StudiesSoviet and Russian HistoryMemory, violence, and history

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Centering the Periphery: Manchurian Exile(s) and the North Korean State

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Armstrong, Charles K.·1995·Korean Studies

Abstract

Kim Il sung and other Manchurian guerrilla veterans who came to dominate North Korean politics after 1945 were profoundly influenced by the experience of their antiJapanese struggle in exile. This influence has shaped the ideology, historiography, and domestic and external policies of the DPRK to the present. At the same time, this exile experience has been given a mythical status in North Korean history, centered on the personality and activities of Kim Il Sung, but reflective of earlier attempts to draw Manchuria into the mainstream of Korean history. The "mythification" of Manchuria has grown steadily over time, and since the early 1970s Kim Jong Il has been closely associated with his father's Manchurian guerrilla struggle, in particular with the image of Mt. Paektu.

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Research works printed but not linked: 28

  1. The mountain also made a profound impact on some of the early Western explorers who visited the area in the age of high imperialism. See H. E. M. James, The Long White Mountain, or A Journey in Manchuria (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968 [1888]).
  2. Homi K. Bhabha, Nation and Narration (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 291.
  3. Michael Robinson, "National Identity and the Thought of Sin Ch'ae-ho: Sadaejuüi and Chuch'e in History and Politics," Journal of Korean Studies 5 (1984), p. 123.
  4. Shin Ch'ae-ho, Chosön sangosa [Chosön antiquity], in Tanjae Shin Ch'ae-ho chönjip (Seoul: Tanjae Shin Ch'ae-ho sönsaeng kinyöm saöphoe, 1987), vol. 1, pp. 31-32.
  5. S. N. Eisenstadt points out that it is precisely these kinds of "free floating elements" that in times of social crisis are able to challenge existing authority struc- tures and articulate new cosmologies and visions of political order. See Revolution and the Transformation ofSocieties: A Comparative Study of Civilizations (New York: Free Press, 1978).
  6. This term, which brings together the activities of capitalism, imperialism, and war in their linked historical development, is from Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, tr. by Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987 [1980]), pp. 351^32.
  7. Kang Man-gil, "The life of the hwajönmin," in Iljeshidae pinmin saenghwalsa yöngu [The life of the poor in the Japanese colonial period] (Seoul: Ch'angjak kwa pip'yöngsa, 1987), pp. 117-234.
  8. See Robert H. G. Lee, The Manchurian Frontier in Ch'ing History (Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
  9. Gavan McCormack, Chang Tso-lin in Northeast China, 1911-1928: China, Japan and the Idea ofManchuria (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977), p. 3.
  10. Thomas Gottschang, "Economic Change, Disasters and Migration: The His- 14KOREAN STUDIES, VOL. 19
  11. For a brief history of the Korean community in China, see Chae-jin Lee, China's Korean Minority: The Politics of Ethnic Education (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986).
  12. F.C.Jones, Manchuria Since 1931 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 949), p.
  13. Pak Ch'ang-uk, "Korean Migration in China," pp. 186, 189. Indebtedness to Chinese landlords was one reason for the peripatetic lifestyle of the Korean immi- grants. In Yi Hun-gu's 1931 survey, 80 percent of the families interviewed had moved three to seven times since arriving in Manchuria. Cited in Schwartz, The Minorities of Northern China, p. 209.
  14. See Yi Hun-gu's survey of Jiandao residents, reproduced in Kim Ch'ang-sun and Kim Chun-hwa, Hanguk kongsanjuüi undongsa [The Korean communist move- ment], vol. 4 (Seoul: Korea University Press, 1974), p.
  15. Lee, A New History of Korea, pp. 95, 105.
  16. See H. E. M. James, The Long White Mountain, especially pp. 247-270 on the Changbaishan region.
  17. Robert A. Scalapino and Chong-sik Lee, Communism in Korea (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p.
  18. Even before annexation, üibyöng groups had set up exile bases from which to attack the Japanese. In April 1908, for example, a group of about 1000 üibyöng based in the Russian Maritimes attacked a Japanese army unit in North Hamgyöng Province. See Mikhail Park, "The Anti-Japanese Korean Independence Movement in Russian Territories: The 1920s and 1930s," Korea Journal 30, no. 6 (June 1990), p. 38.
  19. Se Hee Yoo, "The Communist Movement and the Peasants: The Case of Korea," in Peasant Rebellion and Communist Revolution in Asia, ed. by John W Lewis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), pp. 69-74.
  20. Dongbei kangrijun shiliao [Historical materials of the Northeast Anti-Japa- nese United Army] (Beijing: Zhonggondang shiliao chubanshe, 1987), vol. 1, p.
  21. For a criticism of this CCP- centered approach by an ethnic Korean in China, see Pak Ch'öng-san, "Serious Distor- tions in Studies of Korean Nationality Activities in China," Yöksapip'yöng 15 (Winter 1991), pp. 223-234.
  22. See Dae-Sook Suh, Kim Il Sung, The North Korean Leader (New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1988), pp. 32-34.
  23. Kim's report, "Kanglian diyi lujun lueshi" [Brief history of the First Anti- Japanese United Army] appears in Dongbei kangri lianjun shiliao [Historical materials of the Northeast United Anti-Japanese Army] (Beijing: Zhonggongdang sheziliao chu- banshe, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 665-679.
  24. For Kim's religious background, see Yöng-ho Ch'oe, "Christian Back- ground in the Early Life of Kim Il-song," Asian Survey 26 (October 1986), pp. 1082- 1091. North Korean histories present Kim's parents not as Christians, but as revolu- tionary patriots. Thus, in a remarkably Confucian twist, Kim is given further legiti- macy by his revolutionary ancestry. Unlike Mao, who confronts his reactionary father and leaves home, Kim is not a rebel but a true hyoja or filial son. Loyalty to one's 16KOREAN STUDIES, VOL. 19
  25. Kim Il Sung, Reminiscences: With the Century, vol. 2 (Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1992), p. 108.
  26. Baik Bong, Kim Il Sung: Biography, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar Al-Talia, 1973), p. 521.
  27. Suh, Kim Il Sung, pp. 276-281.
  28. Ch'oe, "Reinterpreting Traditional History," pp. 506-510.

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    “[12] The decision to build the Graves of Revolutionary Martyrs close to the country’s capital and to bury there exclusively the heroes of Kim Il Sung’s Manchurian partisan movement (which was, in fact, a small part of the Manchurian-based Korean independence movements) was, therefore, an important…”

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Metadata

Authors
Armstrong, C. K.
Corresponding author
Armstrong, Charles K.
Venue
Korean Studies
Publisher
Project MUSE
Published
1995
Volume
19
Issue
1
Pages
1-16
ISSN
  • 0145-840X (ISSN-L)
  • 1529-1529
OpenAlex
W2129476398
Cited by
10
References
2
Citations by year
2023: 1 · 2020: 1 · 2019: 1 · 2018: 3 · 2016: 1 · 2012: 2
FWCI
0.00
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • Korean studies (publishedVersion)
  • Project Muse (Johns Hopkins University) (submittedVersion)
  • Columbia Academic Commons (Columbia University)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Korean Peninsula Historical and Political Studies
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Soviet and Russian History
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Memory, violence, and history
Keywords
Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, anti-Japanese resistance, North Korean historiography, North Korean ideology, Manchuria

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Armstrong, C. K. (1995). Centering the Periphery: Manchurian Exile(s) and the North Korean State. Korean Studies. https://doi.org/10.1353/ks.1995.0017