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Cited by 4Indian and Buddhist StudiesChinese history and philosophyEurasian Exchange Networks

The DOI matches its Crossref record; 15 of the 15 references it cites were found in a registry or an index; none of the 35 sources its claims cite is checked for support yet.

Claims of Buddhist Relics in the Eastern Han Tomb Murals at Horinger: Issues in the Historiography of the Introduction of Buddhism to China

Open access
Kim, Minku·2014·Ars Orientalis

Abstract

Ars Orientalis is a peer-reviewed annual volume of scholarly articles on the art and archaeology of Asia, the ancient Near East, and the Islamic world.It is published jointly by the Freer and Sackler Galleries and the University of Michigan Department of History of Art.Fostering a broad range of topics and approaches through themed issues, the journal is intended for scholars in diverse fields.Ars Orientalis provides a forum for new scholarship, with a particular interest in work that redefines and crosses boundaries, both spatial and temporal.Authors are asked to follow The Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition.

Overview

CoChat Summary

Written by AI from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

The paper argues that the Eastern Han Horinger tomb murals do not provide reliable grounds for Buddhist readings, especially the alleged relic inscription and white elephant. It traces those readings to lost or remembered evidence, philological overreach, and circular scholarship.

Key findings

  • The vanished cartouche on the antechamber’s eastern ceiling, read by Yu Weichao as *shēlì* 猞猁 and equated with Buddhist *shèlì* 舍利, is not securely attested: it was absent from the official excavation report, disintegrated before photography, and rested on Li Zuozhi’s unpublished notes and later memory. The author doubts even the original reading and proposes *hánlì* 𤞻猁 or other animal/auspicious alternatives.
  • The white elephant on the southern ceiling is not demonstrably Buddhist: the Tengzhou “six-tusked” elephants show only three tusks in profile; whiteness cannot be verified from black-ink rubbings; the Dabaodang M24 elephant has reddish pigment; and a nursing-elephant motif appears in Zhang Heng, Xue Zong, Xu Shen, and Shen Yue outside a Buddhist context.
  • The Buddhist textual basis for the white-elephant conception story, the *Xiuxing benqi jing* (T184), is too late for Zhang Heng and is not accepted as an Eastern Han text. The paper finds no verifiable Eastern Han archaeological evidence for relics, and says claims such as those about Dahuting M2 relics rest on circular reasoning from Horinger.
  • The author calls for a sociocultural test: Eastern Han society was not a Buddhist-hybrid culture; Kang Senghui’s later mission shows relics initially met skepticism; and no later Chinese tomb murals show a relic motif, even for known Buddhist sympathizers.

Methods

  • Historiographic and art-historical re-examination of Horinger Xiaobanshen M1, dated around 180–90 CE, and of scholarship by Yu Weichao (1980), Wu Hung (1986), Zürcher, and others.
  • Comparative iconographic analysis with other Eastern Han tombs and reliefs, including Wangdu Suoyaocun M1, Dahuting M1/M2, Tengzhou, Longyangdianzhen, and Dabaodang M24.
  • Philological and textual analysis of terms and sources such as *shèlì* 舍利 / *śarīra*, Lokakṣema’s *Daoxing banruo jing*, Zhang Heng’s *Xijing fu*, Cai Zhi, Xu Shen, Xue Zong, and Shen Yue.

Limitations

  • Paper-stated: the inscription is lost, was never photographed, is omitted from the official report, and depends on unpublished notes and memory; its high location in a dark tomb makes the reading doubtful, and some proposed alternatives are speculative.
  • Paper-stated: there is no direct archaeological evidence for Buddhist relics in Eastern Han China; the argument relies heavily on absence of parallels and negative evidence.
  • Evident: the paper’s sociocultural and psychological claims about relic aversion and unfiliality are interpretive and not directly documented for Horinger; several conclusions depend on later texts and comparative inference.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.3998/ars.13441566.0044.008

Cites

15 of 15 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

41 Own interpretation · 30 Sources not found · 6 Own result · 1 No basis given

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 21
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 20
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 3

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Self-check

Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.

Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.

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Citations

Cites

Show all 12 references

Research works printed but not linked: 12

  1. See above, n. 11. 22 For the cult of the Queen Mother of the West, see inter alia Suzanne Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1993). by David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan or Selections of Refined Literature, vol. 1: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1982), 233. Diacritics are mine. For the discussion of the hánlì 含利 monster, see Derk Bodde, Festivals in Classical China: New Year and Other Annual Observances During the Han Dynasty, 206 b.c.-a.d. 220 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975), 151-63. Also see Erik Zürcher, "Han Buddhism and the Western Region, " in Thought and Law in Qin and Han China: Studies Dedicated to Anthony Hulsewé on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday, ed. W. L. Idema and Erik Zürcher (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 160-61 (rpt. in Buddhism in China: Collected Papers of Erik Zürcher, ed. Jonathan Silk [Leiden: Brill, 2013], 355-56).
  2. Beside the variant readings of hánlì 含利 vs. shèlì 舍利, this passage (LL. 719-2) involves another serious corruption, that is, hua 化 (change) vs. bei 北 (north), the situation that reaffirms the level of difficulty in dealing with text criticism. Moreover, adding more problems than solutions to the matter, Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1 (1982), 232, promotes the idea of Fujita Toyohachi 藤田豊八, "Zen Kan ni okeru seinan kaijō kōtsū no kiroku" 前漢に於ける西南海上交通の 記録 (Records on the traffic between the West and South Seas during the former Han), Geibun 芸文 5, nos. 10-11 (1914), 301-25, 405-14 [rpt. in Tōzai kōshōshi no kenkyū: Nankai hen 東西交涉史の研究: 南海篇 (Tōkyō: Oka Shoin 岡書院, 1933), 95-135, esp. 123-24], who suggested long ago that this variant of shèlì 舍利 was "another form" of a gloss to indicate the regions of Shénlí [EMC d im li /li] 諶離 by the Irrawaddy River, later known as Xīlì 悉利. Fujita's argument may have certain validity on the etymol- ogy of hánlì/shèlì, but does not help our purpose because of the unexplained outstanding phonetic and graphic gaps between shèlì 舍利 and shénlí 諶離.
  3. Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集. T55, no. 2145 (XIII) 96: b7 et seq. An account that closely parallels this is found in Huijiao's 慧皎 Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳. T50, no. 2059 (I), 325: b6 et seq. The latter version was fully translated in Édouard Chavannes, "Seng-Houei, " T' oung pao, 2nd ser., vol. 10 (1909), 199-212. For Kang Senghui's Sogdian network, see Étienne de la Vaissière, Histoire des marchands sogdiens (Paris: Institut des hautes études chinoise, 2002), 77-80 (trans. by James Ward, Sogdian Traders: A History [Leiden: Brill, 2005], 71-74).
  4. Bielenstein, "Han Portents and Prognosti- cations, " BMFEA 56 (1984), 97-112;
  5. Anne Birrell, "Return to the Cosmic Eternal: The Representation of a Soul's Journey to Paradise in a Chinese Funerary Painting, c. 168 BC, " Cosmos: The Yearbook of the Traditional Cosmology Society 13, no. 1 (1997), 3-30; Huang Bingyi [黃冰逸], "From Chu to Western Han: Re-reading Mawangdui" (Ph.D. diss., Yale Univ., 2005), 248-62.
  6. "Lun fogu biao 論佛骨表, " Changli Xiansheng wenji 昌黎先生文集 39, in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本, ser. 4, vol. 33 (Beijing: Beijing Tushuguan Chubanshe, 2002), 14, 2v-4v. For translations, see inter alia Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in T' ang China (New York: Ronald Press, 1955), 221-24.
  7. Christoph Cueppers, Max Deeg, and Hubert Durt (Lumbini, Nepal: Lumbim International Research Institute, 2010), 114, n. 83. 44 For his magisterial contribution to the field, see J. A. Silk, "In Memoriam, Erik Zürcher, " Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 31, nos. 1-2 (2008), 3-22.
  8. Wu Hung accepts this. The legendary Sishi' er zhang jing 四十二章經 may or may not date to that time, but that is beside the point, because this purportedly early text lacks any reference to elephants. See Henri Maspero, "Le songe et l'ambassade de l' empereur Ming, " Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 10 (1910), 95-130;
  9. Liang Qichao 梁啓超, "Fojiao zhi chu shuru 佛教之初輸入, " Gaizhao 改造3, no. 12 (1921), 69-79 [rpt. in Foxue yanjiu shiba pian 佛學硏究十八篇 (Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1936), 1-23, esp. 5-7];
  10. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1996), 360-71.
  11. Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1, 236;
  12. E. Pulleyblank, "Stages in the transcription of Indian Words in Chinese from Han to Tang, " Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo- Altaica 16 (1989), 78. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the other images in Zhang's rhapsody should be interpreted as Buddhist elements.

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Metadata

Authors
Kim, M.
Affiliations
University of Minnesota (US)
Corresponding author
Kim, Minku
Venue
Ars Orientalis
Published
2014-12
Volume
44
Issue
20220203
ISSN
  • 0571-1371 (ISSN-L)
  • 2328-1286
OpenAlex
W2326695167
Cited by
4
References
12
Citations by year
2026: 1 · 2022: 1 · 2021: 1 · 2016: 1
FWCI
6.62
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • Ars Orientalis (publishedVersion)
  • University of Michigan Library Repository (submittedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Eurasian Exchange Networks
Keywords
Buddhist relics, historiography, Buddhist iconography

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