Cited by 24Political theory and GramsciPopulism, Right-Wing MovementsItalian Fascism and Post-war Society

The DOI matches its Crossref record; 18 of the 18 references it cites were found in a registry or an index; none of the 9 sources its claims cite is checked for support yet.

Theft of Gramsci? On the radical right, radical left, and common sense

Open access
Pasieka, Agnieszka·2022·Dialectical Anthropology

Abstract

Drawing on ethnographic research with radical right-wing activists in Italy and Poland, my article reflects on the ways in which the Gramscian framework may enhance our understanding of the present-day political landscape. Gramsci’s role in the article is threefold. First, since he was a keen observer of fascist developments, I relate his observations on fascism and inquire into their relevance for understanding the rise of the far right today. Second, I explore the agendas of the movements I studied through the Gramscian lens. Inspired by the special issue’s editors, I examine the extent to which Gramsci’s concept of “common sense” is helpful for analyzing contemporary far-right activism. Third, I relate my own ethnographic observation to analyses of a broader terrain of far-right politics to shed light on the phenomenon of “far-right Gramscianism.” Bringing together all these observations on the radical right, “common sense” and Gramsci’s legacy, I reflect on the complex interrelationship between the radical right and the radical left.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

Drawing on ethnographic research with radical right-wing youth movements in Italy and Poland, the article argues that Gramsci’s concepts—especially “common sense” and organic intellectuals—help explain contemporary far-right activism and its borrowings from left-wing ideas. It also reflects on “far-right Gramscianism” and the complex affinities between the radical right and radical left.

Key findings

  • Gramsci’s reflections on fascism’s success as a response to interrelated crises and left-wing weakness remain relevant for understanding today’s far right; the article proposes viewing movements like LA and PP as “projects under construction.”
  • Italy’s Loyalty Action (LA) combines social assistance with cultural work, appealing to “common sense” and acting as organic intellectuals; in one Milan food distribution, a left-wing resident praised the “good lads” without realizing they were from a far-right organization.
  • Poland’s Polish Labor (PP) promotes an ethnonationalist social economy including progressive taxation, social housing, worker unions, and a reformed labor code; Krystian argues “anti-capitalism needs to be global,” but says Ukrainians and Belarusians should act against capitalism at home. The article notes that 1.5 million Ukrainian citizens worked in Poland in 2019, a four-fold increase over five years.
  • The article identifies “far-right Gramscianism” and shared features between radical left and radical right, including anti-Americanism, rejection of the market economy and neoliberalism, anti-Zionism, protectionist policies, and the autarchy model, while warning against mistaking empathy for sympathy or “domesticating” the far right.

Methods

  • Ethnographic research since 2016 on transnational cooperation between youth far-right movements, with a special focus on Italy and Poland; the protagonists are two movements: Loyalty Action (LA) in Italy and Polish Labor (PP) in Poland.
  • Data come from participant observation, conversations, movement events, conferences, social assistance activities, and online materials; the main analysis interprets these through a Gramscian framework, especially common sense, organic intellectuals, hegemony, and Caesarism.

Limitations

  • Stated: the author uses “far-right” with reservation because the term does not precisely render agendas combining radical nationalism with socialist thought; the article also notes there is no single far-right agenda today and that asking what Gramsci would say is “quixotic.”
  • Evident from the text: the two featured movements do not work together, PP is much less numerous and widespread than LA, and the ethnographic material centers on two movements among a broader studied milieu, with members predominantly male.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1007/s10624-022-09681-6

Cites

18 of 18 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

19 Own interpretation · 19 No basis given · 14 Own result · 4 Sources not found · 4 No full text of the sources · 1 Not checked yet

Verify all 1 references — free account

Show all 12 claims

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 34
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 32
49 of 49
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The food packages LA distributes do not dramatically improve the situation of the families they support.

    “the packages LA prepares do not dramatically improve the situation of the families they support.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Most far-right movements and parties of the fascist type have drawn extensively, even if inconsistently, on left-wing ideas.

    “Most far-right movements and parties of the fascist type have drawn extensively, even if inconsistently, on left-wing ideas.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Alain de Benoist, the founder of Nouvelle Droite, has recently announced his support for La France Insoumise, a left-wing populist political party in France.

    “Quite tellingly, the key far-right “importer” of Gramsci’s ideas, Alain de Benoist, the founder of the intellectual–political movement Nouvelle Droite (“New Right”), has recently announced his support for La France Insoumise, a left-wing populist political party in France.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    Gramsci would observe that LA and PP, similarly to the fascist movements from whom they claim inspiration, simply pursue a 'revolution without a revolution.'

    “Therefore, in concluding our conversation with Gramsci, it is plausible to assume that while appreciating their political experimentation, he might observe that — similarly to the fascist movements from whom they claim inspiration — they simply pursue a “revolution without a revolution.””
4 of 4

Citations

Cites

Show all 16 references

Research works printed but not linked: 4

  1. Gingrich, Andre, and Markus Banks, eds. 2006. Neo-nationalism in Europe and beyond: Perspectives from social anthropology. London: Berghahn Books.
  2. Gramsci, Antonio. 1979. Selected writings, 1916–1935 (edited by David Fogacs). London: Lawrence and Wishar.
  3. Mangoni, Luisa. 1976. Cesarismo, bonapartismo, fascismo. Studi Storici 17 (3): 41–61.
  4. Sternhell, Zeev. 1986. Neither left nor right. Fascist ideology in France. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Metadata

Authors
Pasieka, A.
Affiliations
University of Vienna (AT)
Corresponding author
Pasieka, Agnieszka
Venue
Dialectical Anthropology
Published
2022-12
Volume
46
Issue
4
Pages
417-436
ISSN
  • 0304-4092 (ISSN-L)
  • 1573-0786
OpenAlex
W4315650256
Cited by
22
References
16
Citations by year
2026: 13 · 2025: 4 · 2024: 3 · 2023: 2
FWCI
2.82
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • Dialectical Anthropology (publishedVersion, cc-by)
  • PubMed Central (publishedVersion, cc-by)
  • PubMed (publishedVersion)
Funders
Austrian Science Fund
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political theory and Gramsci
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Populism, Right-Wing Movements
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Italian Fascism and Post-war Society
Keywords
Antonio Gramsci, far right, radical right, radical left, common sense, far-right activism, fascism, far-right movements, Italy, Poland

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