On (and off) ramps in intonational phonology: Rises, falls, and the Tonal Center of Gravity

Abstract

Two conflicting views have been advanced of what defines ‘default’ high pitch accents in various West Germanic languages, including English: One equates these accents fundamentally with a rise to a high turning point, while the other focuses on the fall from it. Both views arise from the assumption within Autosegmental-Metrical theory that the phonological representations of intonational categories can be discerned more-or-less directly from the string of intentional-seeming changes of direction in the F0 curve, identified as production ‘targets’. Two perceptual experiments reveal that, at least in American English, this view critically oversimplifies how pitch accents containing High tones are defined and distinguished: instead, both the shape of the rise and the shape of the fall are seen to contribute to the alignment of the overall bulk of the high region, defined by the rise-fall shape, with the segmental string, and thus to its categorization by listeners as an early, mid or late rise-fall (H + !H*, L + H*, or L* + H). These findings are consistent with the view that the Tonal Center of Gravity (TCoG) of the rise-fall shape as a whole, rather than an F0 turning point per se, is what speakers align with segmental content to distinguish different pitch accent categories. Questioning the primacy of the turning points as the phonetic targets for these pitch accents, in turn, seriously problematizes standard assumptions about the nature of phonological representations of intonation and their relation to the signal.