Cited by 492Electoral Systems and Political ParticipationSocial and Intergroup PsychologySocial Media and Politics

Americans, Not Partisans: Can Priming American National Identity Reduce Affective Polarization?

Levendusky, Matthew S.·2018·The Journal of Politics

Abstract

In recent years, Americans have become more affectively polarized: that is, ordinary Democrats and Republicans increasingly dislike and distrust members of the opposing party. Such polarization is normatively troubling, as it exacerbates gridlock and dissensus in Washington. Given these negative consequences, I investigate whether it is possible to ameliorate this partisan discord. Building on the Common Ingroup Identity Model from social psychology, I show that when subjects’ sense of American national identity is heightened, they come to see members of the opposing party as fellow Americans rather than rival partisans. As a result, they like the opposing party more, thereby reducing affective polarization. Using several original experiments, as well as a natural experiment surrounding the July 4th holiday and the 2008 summer Olympics, I find strong support for my argument. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for efforts to reduce polarization more generally.

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Crossref · 10.1086/693987

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  • There is an increasing tendency that people, especially partisans, defend the in-group and dislike the out-group.

    “Recent work on public opinion suggests that there is an increasing tendency that people, especially partisans, defend the in-group and dislike the out-group (Iyengar et al., 2012;Levendusky, 2018).”
  • Selective exposure to like-minded information would likely result in affective polarization, a process in which individuals develop diverging evaluations of attitude objects in a partisan context.

    “Second, selective exposure to like-minded information would also likely result in affective polarizationa process of opinion formation in which individuals develop diverging evaluations of attitude objects (e.g., in-group vs. out-group candidates) in a partisan context (Abramowitz & Webster, 2016;Iyengar et al., 2012;Levendusky, 2018).”
  • Theories suggest that external threats can unify domestic rivals who come together either to jointly respond or due to heightened national identity.

    “Theories suggest that external threats can unify domestic rivals who come together either to jointly respond or due to heightened national identity (e.g., Levendusky, 2018).”

    From How to study democratic backsliding (2024) · cites this paper as Levendusky, 2018

  • Emphasizing a superordinate national identity can reduce out-group animus as well as affective and ideological polarization.

    “emphasizing a superordinate national identity can reduce out-group animus as well as affective and ideological polarization281–283, consistent with social identity theory90,92,139.”

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References 40 · Cited by 492

Authors
Levendusky, M. S.
Affiliations
University of Pennsylvania (US)
Corresponding author
Levendusky, Matthew S.
Venue
The Journal of Politics
Published
2018-01
Volume
80
Issue
1
Pages
59-70
ISSN
  • 0022-3816 (ISSN-L)
  • 1468-2508
OpenAlex
W2767059180
Cited by
492
References
40
Citations by year
2026: 48 · 2025: 93 · 2024: 63 · 2023: 60 · 2022: 68 · 2021: 55 · 2020: 56 · 2019: 21 · 2018: 24 · 2017: 3 · 2014: 1
FWCI
138.30
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
closed
Locations
The Journal of Politics (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Social and Intergroup Psychology
  • Social Sciences › Communication › Social Media and Politics
Keywords
affective polarization, American identity, common ingroup identity model, partisanship, intergroup relations

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