The Death of Leviathan: Feminist Dilemmas and State Phobia

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Positions that reject state censorship are based on a specific understanding of the state as a single, gravity-like mechanism with causal powers that generates a corresponding set of actual effects.

“Positions that reject state censorship are based on a specific understanding of the state as “a single, gravity-like mechanism with causal powers that generates a corresponding set of 'actual' effects” (Jessop, 2014, 483).”

• cites Jessop, 2014 sourceDisputed

  In “Ontology/ontologies” (page not supplied), Jessop calls the claim that the state is a single gravity-like mechanism a mistaken characterization of philosophical realism. He says the real need not consist of one such mechanism and describes state effects as arising from interacting mechanisms. The paper does not address positions on state censorship. (LLM, conf=0.88)

  Checked by a reasoning model — may be wrong.

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

May combine two claims.

The genre of 'hijab/refugee pornography' mainly focuses on commercial heteroporn and depicts refugee women having submissive interracial sex.

“The genre of”

• cites Amjahid 2018Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The highest rates of porn consumption are in GOP/Republican Party states, including 'Muslim porn' and gay male porn.

“While the Republican Party opposes equal rights for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender/transsexual, intersex, and queer/questioning (LGBTIQ) community, the highest rates of porn consumption are in Grand Old Party (GOP), i.e., Republican Party states, including”

• cites Snow 2016bNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Search requests for 'refugee' or 'hijab' pornography on porn sites indicate actual demand for and consumption of such pornography.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Baer understands the law as an indispensable site of redress despite the heterosexist and racist nature of the state.

“As a feminist legal theorist Baer is cognizant of the heterosexist and racist nature of the state, but still understands the law as an indispensable site of redress.”

• cites Baer (1998) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

All porn has elements of race and gender play, irrespective of whether or not it explicitly contains interracial sex.

“All porn has elements of race and gender play, irrespective of whether or not it explicitly contains interracial sex.”

May combine two claims.

Queer performers of color are paid less than White cis counterparts, who even get a 'bonus' for agreeing to interracial sex.

“For instance, queer performers of color are paid less than White cis counterparts, who even get a”

• cites Miller-Young cited in Ohikuare 2017Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Violent representations of 'exotic' female bodies in submission do not cause widespread hate crimes.

“Violent representations of”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

This form of racist, sexist, and orientalist 'worlding' has far-reaching power effects.

“Consumers of pornography may be viewing”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Butler equates legal discourse and hate speech as equally pernicious, leading to dismissal of legal redress and state protection as counterproductive.

“Butler equates legal discourse and hate speech as equally pernicious, leading to dismissal of legal redress and state protection as counterproductive.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Foucault's notion of state phobia is an astute critique of political ideologies that exaggerate the state's negative role by way of a specific narrative of ontology of state powers.

“It is instructive to turn to Foucault's (2008) notion of “state phobia,” which is an astute critique of political ideologies that exaggerate the state's negative role by way of a specific narrative of ontology of state powers.”

• cites Foucault's (2008)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Butler seems to disregard that educational institutions are not outside the state apparatus.

“Butler furthermore seems to disregard that educational institutions are not “outside” the state apparatus.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

The criteria to distinguish when censorship is desirable or undesirable remain elusive, so that the process by which we employ normative principles to decide among various practices of censorship is tricky.

“Ultimately, the criteria to distinguish when censorship is desirable or undesirable remain elusive, so that the process by which we employ normative principles to decide among various practices of censorship is tricky.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

One of the biggest dangers of anti-statist positions is that it ignores the enabling role of the state while foregrounding exclusively the regulatory aspects.

“One of the biggest dangers of anti-statist positions is that it ignores the enabling role of the state while foregrounding exclusively the regulatory aspects.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

Although anxiety about the state's coercive power is justified, there are certain risks in renouncing state intervention on behalf of vulnerable groups.

“Although anxiety about the state's coercive power is justified, there are certain risks in renouncing state intervention on behalf of vulnerable groups.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Foregrounding negotiations between nonstate actors as the key to countering hate speech and protecting free speech ignores that one of the most important functions of the state is to mediate between citizens and noncitizens.

“Foregrounding negotiations between nonstate actors as the key to countering hate speech and protecting free speech ignores that one of the most important functions of the state is to mediate between citizens and noncitizens.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

In the case of 'hijab/refugee pornography,' it perpetuates orientalist, racist tropes about Muslim women and their sexuality, irrespective of whether the performers are themselves refugees or Muslim women.

“In the case of”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The subject's inherent vulnerability to social conditions that are not of her own making must be considered.

“Here the subject's inherent vulnerability to social conditions that are not of her own making must be considered.”

May combine two claims.

Just as the state is never neutral in its mediations, extrastate mechanisms of negotiations between differently vulnerable citizens and noncitizens are never free of coercion.

“Just as the state is never neutral in its mediations, extrastate mechanisms of negotiations between differently vulnerable citizens and noncitizens are never free of coercion.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The state is never neutral or passive.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The power relations between performers and (right-wing) consumers of refugee/hijab porn could not be reconfigured through resignification and recontextualization without any form of state intervention.

“I would also disagree with Butler that the power relations between performers and (right-wing) consumers of “refugee/hijab porn” could be reconfigured through resignification and recontextualization without any form of state intervention.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The claim that individuals are free to decide whether they wish to pursue or discontinue a career in the porn industry risks ignoring Spivak's lesson about the ideological construction of the promise of free will disentangled from structures in which agency is exercised.

“The claim that individuals are “free” to decide whether they wish to pursue or discontinue a career in the porn industry, as in the case of Nadia Ali, risks ignoring one of the most important lessons of Spivak's (1988) Can the Subaltern Speak?, namely, the ideological construction of the promise of “free will” disentangled from structures in which agency is exercised.”

• cites Spivak's (1988)Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In viewing law as always already authoritative and totalitarian, Butler risks misjudging the efficacy of legal utterances.

“In viewing law as always already authoritative and totalitarian, Butler risks misjudging the efficacy of legal utterances.”

• cites Baer (1998, 230) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Historically, censorship has been disproportionately applied against women and other minorities.

“Historically, censorship has been disproportionately applied against women and other minorities.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The state should be viewed as pharmakon, namely, both poison and medicine.

“I am neither a statist nor an anti-statist but view the state as pharmakon, namely, both poison and medicine (Derrida 1981).”

• cites Derrida 1981 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Insights from Women, Islam and the State make an unequivocal postcolonial queer-feminist position for or against the state impossible.

“Their insights make an unequivocal postcolonial queer-feminist position for or against the state impossible.”

• cites Kandiyoti 1991 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The debate about whether pornography is an expression of sexual agency or hate speech remains just as unresolved as the debate about whether censorship is legitimate and efficacious under certain circumstances or whether the state must bear responsibility for protecting vulnerable individuals and groups from hate speech.

“The debate about whether pornography is an expression of sexual agency or hate speech remains just as unresolved as the debate about whether censorship is legitimate and efficacious under certain circumstances or whether the state must bear responsibility for protecting vulnerable individuals and groups from hate speech.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Counter to Butler's claim that censorship produces certain kinds of citizens, in the case of 'refugee/hijab porn' certain privileged citizens enjoy sexual entertainment by consuming violent representations of vulnerable (non)citizens.

“Counter to Butler's claim that censorship produces certain kinds of citizens, in the case of”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

It would be imprudent to disregard the political costs of expecting state passivity when it comes to violent hate speech.

“However, it would be imprudent to disregard the political costs of expecting state passivity when it comes to violent hate speech.”

May combine two claims.

Subsequent to the refugee crisis there has been a marked increase in production and consumption of 'hijab porn' in the West, which is being primarily produced for right-wing consumers, but is not limited to them.

“Subsequent to the refugee crisis there has been a marked increase in production and consumption of”

• cites Amjahid 2018Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Search requests for 'refugee' or 'hijab' pornography on porn sites indicate actual demand for and consumption of such pornography.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Butler's own alternative seems to be a somewhat more radical version of moral and political individualism, instead of reimagining the structural relation of subaltern groups to law and the state.

“Despite hostility to liberal political positions, Butler's own alternative seems to be a somewhat more radical version of moral and political individualism, instead of reimagining the structural relation of subaltern groups to law and the state.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Unlike MacKinnon, Muslim and refugee women should not be considered merely as victims of racialized sexual violence but also as subjects whose agency is often made impossible by patriarchal and imperialist structures, so that nonjuridical forms of opposition are not always an option for vulnerable individuals.

“Unlike MacKinnon, I would not consider, for example, Muslim and refugee women merely as victims of racialized sexual violence but also as subjects whose agency is often made impossible by patriarchal and imperialist structures so that nonjuridical forms of opposition are not always an option for vulnerable individuals.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Muslim and refugee women have a vulnerable position vis-à-vis both state and nonstate actors, for instance, the producers and consumers of pornography.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Even when minorities make an effort to speak back, their counter-speech is not heard.

“Even when minorities make an effort to speak back, their counter-speech is not heard (Spivak 1988).”

• cites Spivak 1988Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Support of censorship risks complicity in conservative religious and patriarchal state policies.

“Furthermore, support of censorship risks complicity in conservative religious and patriarchal state policies.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The Butlerian suggestion to circumvent law would imply parting from many of the structures that protect one from racialized sexual violence and discrimination that are made possible through state monopoly on violence.

“Baer points out that the Butlerian suggestion to circumvent law would imply parting from many of the structures that protect one from racialized sexual violence and discrimination that are made possible through state monopoly on violence.”

• cites Baer (1998) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The claim that pornography enables sexual agency presumes a liberal notion of an autonomous subject with free will and self-transparency.

“The claim that pornography enables sexual agency presumes a liberal notion of an autonomous subject with free will and self-transparency.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

An antinomy is encountered here wherein the right to free speech contradicts the right to dignity of every person.

“An antinomy is encountered here wherein the right to free speech contradicts the right to dignity of every person.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Butler's concept of resignification is problematic because resignification is not an option for all subjects and efficacious in all contexts.

“Butler, however, fails to address that this is not an option for all subjects and efficacious in all contexts.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Antistatism would be risky postcolonial queer-feminist politics.

“In light of these considerations, antistatism would be risky postcolonial queer-feminist politics.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Pleasure often functions as a tool by which the oppressed consent to that which is against their self-interest.

“As Fanon (1952) astutely outline, pleasure often functions as a tool by which the oppressed consent to that which is against their self-interest.”

• cites Fanon 1952Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Consuming images of exotic bodies wearing hijab seems transgressive and feeds into the viewer's orientalist fantasies, and in porn, taboo sells.

“Consuming images of exotic bodies wearing hijab seems transgressive and feeds into the viewer's orientalist fantasies, and in porn, taboo sells.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The power of the state is often considered a bigger threat to the individual than vice versa, but this approach disregards the issue of intersubjective racialized sexual violence, wherein more powerful groups exert coercion on vulnerable (non)citizens.

“The power of the state is often considered a bigger threat to the individual than vice versa.However, this approach disregards the issue of intersubjective racialized sexual violence, wherein more powerful groups exert coercion on vulnerable (non)citizens.”

May combine two claims.

Handing over the power of definition to the state constitutes a restriction of the political field by regulating the freedom of recontextualization and resignification, which harms the political interests of vulnerable individuals and groups.

“Handing over the power of definition to the state constitutes a restriction of the political field by regulating the freedom of recontextualization and resignification.Following Butler, this harms the political interests of vulnerable individuals and groups.”

• cites ButlerNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

As pharmakon, the state has no stable essence and is plagued by contradictions: violence and justice, ideology and emancipation, and law and repression.

“As pharmakon, the state has no stable essence and is plagued by contradictions: violence and justice, ideology and emancipation, and law and repression.”

• cites Derrida 1981 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

This dynamic and ambivalent function of the state is disregarded by scholars who reject state intervention, for they ignore that the state can be both poison and medicine.

“This dynamic and ambivalent function of the state is disregarded by scholars who reject state intervention, for they ignore that the state can be both poison and medicine.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

As Spivak warns, one should desist from metalepsis, namely, substituting an effect for a cause; thus, instead of seeing the state as the origin of will-to-violence, it should be understood as an effect of multiple, contradictory, and incoherent forces.

“First, as Spivak (1987, 205) warns, one should desist from metalepsis, namely, substituting an effect for a cause.Thus, instead of seeing the state as the origin of “will-to-violence,” it should be understood as an effect of multiple, contradictory, and incoherent forces.”

• cites Spivak (1987, 205)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

Although law does not always deliver justice, one cannot not want the enabling and empowering possibilities offered by law, even as one must contest its coercive and violent aspects.

“While I share Butler's anxieties about the coercive powers of the state, contra Butler, I would propose that although law does not always deliver justice, one “cannot not want” (Spivak 1999, 84) the enabling and empowering possibilities offered by law, even as one must contest its coercive and violent aspects.”

• cites Spivak 1999, 84 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

The gap between the state as it is already there and the state that is to be constructed renders the state as a permanently unfinished project that has no core, and thus capable of both coercion and protection.

“The gap between the state as it is already there and the state that is to be constructed renders the state as a permanently unfinished project that has no core (Foucault 2008, 4), and thus capable of both coercion and protection.”

• cites Foucault 2008, 4Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

The temptation to juxtapose state versus non-state realms should be resisted: social norms, through their institutionalization, cement the state power effects and are not disentangled from it.

“Second, the temptation to juxtapose state versus non-state realms should be resisted: social norms, through their institutionalization cement the state power effects and are not disentangled from it.”

May combine two claims.

Following the decree, thousands of followers of the religious leader marched in support of the convicted rapist, vandalizing media vans and setting police stations on fire; this resulted in the death of over thirty persons with 200 being injured.

“Following the decree, thousands of followers of the religious leader marched in support of the convicted rapist, vandalizing media vans and setting police stations on fire.This resulted in the death of over thirty persons with 200 being injured.”

• cites [6] 6. Baer, Susanne. 1998. Inexcitable speech. In Kritische differenzen -geteilte perspektiven [Critical differences -shared/divided perspectives], 229-40. Opladen: Leske & Budrich. sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

Although there are important differences between anarchist and neoliberal positions, both approach the state as if it exists instead of seeing it as the site of strategic dilemmas as well as structural contradictions.

“Although there are important differences between anarchist and neoliberal positions, both approach the state “as if” it exists instead of seeing it as “the site of strategic dilemmas as well as structural contradictions” (Jessop 2013).”

• cites Jessop 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

State violence was mobilized to act on behalf of the rape survivors and to counter the violence of non-state actors.

“State violence was mobilized to act on behalf of the rape survivors and to counter the violence of non-state actors.”

May combine two claims.

Of the 130 female followers contacted by state investigating agencies, only two were willing to press charges because of fear of retribution and only consented when the state provided them protection to testify.

“Of the 130 female followers who were contacted by the state investigating agencies, only two were willing to press charges because of fear of retribution and only consented when the state provided them protection to testify.”

• cites [6] 6. Baer, Susanne. 1998. Inexcitable speech. In Kritische differenzen -geteilte perspektiven [Critical differences -shared/divided perspectives], 229-40. Opladen: Leske & Budrich. sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Following Derrida, to transform poison into medicine it is imperative to rethink the relation of subalterns to law and the state, which goes beyond statephobic rhetoric and politics.

“Following Derrida (1981), to transform poison into medicine it is imperative to rethink the relation of subalterns to law and the state, which goes beyond statephobic rhetoric and politics.”

• cites Derrida (1981) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The Janus-faced nature of the state as pharmakon implies that it already bears its own opposite within itself, the possibility of the transmutation of poison into remedy, curse into cure.

“The Janusfaced nature of the state as pharmakon implies that it already bears its own opposite within itself, the possibility of the transmutation of poison into remedy, curse into cure (Derrida 1981, 127).”

• cites Derrida 1981, 127 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Foucault views the state as the mobile effect of a regime of multiple governmentalities.

“Rejecting Nietzsche's image of the state as the “coldest of all cold monsters,” Foucault (2008, 77) views the state as “the mobile effect of a regime of multiple governmentalities.””

• cites Foucault (2008, 77)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S1 (asserted), S2 (checkable).

It is questionable whether this privatization of regulation is sufficient to confront the overwhelming challenge of violent content in cyberspace.

“It is questionable whether this “privatization” of regulation is sufficient to confront the overwhelming challenge of violent content in cyberspace.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In Foucault's view, the assault against the state is a strategy of neoliberal rationality that appropriates the powers of the state by limiting, dismantling, and restructuring the state.

“In Foucault's (2003, 135) view, this “assault against the state” is a strategy of neoliberal rationality that appropriates the powers of the state by limiting, dismantling, and restructuring the state.”

• cites Foucault's (2003, 135)Not checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Given the commitment of queer-feminist postcolonial scholarship and activism to fighting heterosexism and racism, the political costs of evacuating the state as a site of political negotiations and expecting state passivity in the face of hate speech would be self-defeating.

“Given the commitment of queer-feminist postcolonial scholarship and activism to fighting heterosexism and racism, the political costs of evacuating the state as a site of political negotiations and expecting state passivity in the face of hate speech would be self-defeating.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The hope is that legal regulation would not only protect targets of hate speech from injury but also enable vulnerable individuals and groups to access structures of reparation.

“Nevertheless, the hope is that legal regulation would not only protect targets of hate speech from injury but also enable vulnerable individuals and groups to access structures of reparation.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

By dismantling the mythology and monstrosity of the Leviathan, Foucault refigures politics as a play among diverse rationalities.

“By dismantling the mythology and monstrosity of the Leviathan, Foucault (2008) refigures politics as a play among diverse rationalities (Dean and Villadsen, 2016, 103).”

• cites Dean and Villadsen, 2016, 103 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Legal regulation would facilitate a more democratic and equal society, wherein vulnerable (non)citizens could rely on the state to right wrongs.

“Furthermore, this would facilitate a more democratic and equal society, wherein vulnerable (non)citizens could rely on the state to right wrongs.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Such a reconfiguration of the relation between vulnerable (non)citizens, the law, and the state would ensure that free speech is guaranteed, while hate speech is regulated, sexual pleasure is protected, while heterosexism and racism is contested.

“Such a reconfiguration of the relation between vulnerable (non)citizens, the law, and the state would ensure that free speech is guaranteed, while hate speech is regulated, sexual pleasure is protected, while heterosexism and racism is contested: a complicated and tricky challenge, but postcolonial queer-feminist politics and ethics are complicated and tricky.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Foucault explains that the state is constantly in the making and thus is at once that which exists, but which does not yet exist enough.

“Foucault (2008, 4) explains that the state is constantly in the making and thus “is at once that which exists, but which does not yet exist enough.””

• cites Foucault (2008, 4)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The demand for legal and institutional passivity to social, political, and economic problems is akin to throwing the baby out with the bathwater.

“However, I am also convinced that the demand for legal and institutional passivity to social, political, and economic problems is akin to throwing the baby out with the bathwater.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The Gurmeet Singh case is an excellent example of state as pharmakon.

“An excellent example of state as pharmakon.”