Living standards and plague in L ondon, 1560–1665
Open accessAbstract
This article uses individual records of 930,000 burials and 630,000 baptisms to reconstruct the spatial and temporal patterns of birth and death in London from 1560 to 1665, a period dominated by recurrent plague. The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time. Tracking the weekly spread of plague, we find no evidence that plague emerged first in the docks, and in many cases elevated mortality emerges first in the poor northern suburbs. Looking at the seasonal pattern of mortality, we find that the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague continued into the early 1700s. Natural increase improved as smaller crises disappeared after 1590, but fewer than half of those born survived childhood.
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- Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
Fewer than half of those born in London survived childhood.
“Natural increase improved as smaller crises disappeared after 1590, but fewer than half of those born survived childhood.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
Natural increase varied widely across London in the early seventeenth century.
“we find that natural increase varied widely across the city in the early seventeenth century”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ III: Reconstructing deaths
The study's estimates match the recorded London Bills totals closely.
“What is most notable about figure 4 is how closely our estimates match the recorded London Bills totals.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
Around half of parishes record that the deceased was the 'son of' or 'daughter of' a householder.
“around a half of parishes record that the deceased was the 'son of' or 'daughter of' a householder, allowing us to conclude that the death is of a young person.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
In 1563, mortality was fairly equal across parishes within the walls and surrounding extra-mural parishes.
“In 1563, mortality was fairly equal across parishes within the walls and surrounding extra-mural parishes, but by 1665 mortality in the central intra-mural parishes was considerably lower than elsewhere”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
- Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
Excluding distant parishes, the study's estimate for total mortality in 1593 is 26,000.
“Excluding distant parishes, our estimate for total mortality is 26,000.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
After the first outbreak in St Giles in the Fields, crisis mortality spreads through the northern parishes over the next eight weeks.
“After this, crisis mortality spreads through the northern parishes over the next eight weeks.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingnone given§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues
The largest increase in plague mortality occurs in the rapidly urbanizing out-parishes, which go from a plague mortality of 3.5 times normal in earlier major plagues to six times normal in 1665.
“The largest increase occurs in the rapidly urbanizing out-parishes which go from a plague mortality of 3.5 times normal in earlier major plagues, to six times normal in 1665.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
Wealthier central parishes experienced a positive natural increase outside plague years.
“with the wealthier central parishes experiencing a positive natural increase outside plague years”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
In major plague outbreaks, elevated mortality emerges first in the poor northern suburbs.
“in many cases elevated mortality emerges first in the poor northern suburbs.”
- Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · plain
“in all major plague outbreaks anomalous rises in mortality occur first in the poor northern suburbs although, in two cases, 1603 and 1625, these rises coincide with increases in eastern parishes.”
- Also stated in: § IV.1: Diffusion of plague · plain
“What is notable about each map is that mortality first becomes entrenched in the poor northern suburbs, before spreading around the walls, and then into the intra-mural parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · plain
- Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
The risk of dying as a child varied from a little under a half in richer parishes to two-thirds in outer suburbs.
“The ratio of child deaths to baptisms gives an approximate estimate of the risk of dying as a child, and this varies from a little under a half in richer parishes to two-thirds in outer suburbs.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
Deaths of children, so defined, account for 40 to 50 per cent of recorded deaths in the sample.
“Deaths of children, so defined, account for 40 to 50 per cent of recorded deaths in our sample.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
In two cases, 1603 and 1625, rises in mortality in the poor northern suburbs coincided with increases in eastern parishes, including the dockland parish of Stepney.
“in two cases, 1603 and 1625, these rises coincide with increases in eastern parishes.”
- Also stated in: § IV.1: Diffusion of plague · plain
“In two cases (1603 and 1625) mortality spikes in these parishes coincide with increased mortality in the dockland parish of Stepney (in the extreme east, just above the river)”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Also stated in: § IV.1: Diffusion of plague · plain
- Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The 72 parishes in the sample for 1593 recorded 17,273 burials, even before including estimates for the 41 missing parishes.
“The 72 parishes in our sample for that year recorded 17,273 burials, even before including estimates for the 41 missing parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues
The study's results do not indicate any large increase over time in the impact of plague in the extra-mural parishes.
“While Slack argues that increased overcrowding made the extra-mural parishes more vulnerable to plague over time, our results do not indicate any large increase in the impact of plague there.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Slack
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Findingown data§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues
From 1593 onwards, the poor northern suburbs of St Giles Cripplegate and Shoreditch are always among the worst hit by plague.
“Looking at the parishes outside the walls, a consistent pattern emerges from 1593 onwards: the poor northern suburbs of St Giles Cripplegate and Shoreditch are always among the worst hit.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
There is no evidence that plague emerged first in the docks or eastern river parishes and spread later to other areas.
“Tracking the weekly spread of plague, we find no evidence that plague emerged first in the docks, and in many cases elevated mortality emerges first in the poor northern suburbs.”
- Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · plain
“In no case do we observe crises beginning in the eastern, river parishes and spreading later to other areas, which would be expected, were plague an occasional, exotic import.”
- Also stated in: § IV.1: Diffusion of plague · plain
“in no case do we see the pattern of rising mortality appearing first in the docks, that we might expect if plague were arriving from foreign ports.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · plain
- Findingnone given§ Economic History
Recorded burials in the largest parishes during the severe plague of 1625 tend to be considerably lower than totals recorded in the Bills.
“In particular, recorded burials in the largest parishes during the severe plague of 1625 tend to be considerably lower than totals recorded in the Bills.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ II: The social geography of London
Adding the extra-mural parishes causes the p-value for no spatial autocorrelation to fall to 0.04.
“Adding the extra-mural parishes, which can be seen from figure 3 to be poorer on average than those within the walls, causes the p-value to fall to 0.04.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingreasoning§ Living standards and plague in
By 1665, mortality in the central intra-mural parishes was considerably lower than elsewhere.
“but by 1665 mortality in the central intra-mural parishes was considerably lower than elsewhere, reflecting the marked increase that we find in the concentration of wealthy households in these areas.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
The out-parishes suffered average natural increase deficits of 30 per cent.
“but with average deficits of 30 per cent occurring in the out-parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Living standards and plague in
The surrounding poorer parishes suffered an average natural increase deficit of 10 per cent.
“the surrounding poorer parishes suffering an average deficit of 10 per cent”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingcitation§ III: Reconstructing deaths
The study's estimates for 1578-82 are close to those recorded by Creighton.
“In particular our estimates for 1578-82 are close to those recorded by Creighton.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Creighton
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Findingreasoning§ V: Child deaths
The share of children in total deaths falls markedly in the plague years of 1625 and 1665.
“This share falls markedly in the plague years of 1625 and 1665”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, allowing spatial and temporal variations in mortality to be traced.
- Findingcitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
There are few cases after 1347-8 where plague spikes coincide across Europe.
“However, as figure 9 shows, there are few cases after 1347-8 where spikes coincide across Europe.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [44] 44. Monecke, S., Monecke, H., and Monecke, J., 'Modelling the Black Death: a historical case study and implications for the epidemiology of bubonic plague', International Journal of Medical Microbiology, 299 (2009), pp. 582-93. source
- Findingown data§ VIII: Positive checks
In table 1, mortality is more strongly influenced by current real wages as one moves from affluent to poor areas.
“In table 1 it can be seen that mortality is more strongly influenced by current real wages as one moves from affluent to poor areas”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
- The authors state this as an assumption: Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
- Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
During 1690-1709, the autumn peak persisted, although substantially weaker and lower than January mortality.
“that persists, although substantially weaker and lower than January mortality, during 1690-1709.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ VIII: Positive checks
Current wage has a small and insignificant impact on deaths within the walls or in Westminster.
“current wage has a small and insignificant impact on deaths within the walls or in Westminster”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
- The authors state this as an assumption: Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
- Findingnone given§ VII: Baptisms
The number of Anglican baptisms fell sharply during the Civil War and Protectorate, before recovering in the 1660s.
“After this, the number of Anglican baptisms fell sharply during the Civil War and Protectorate, before recovering in the 1660s.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ VII: Baptisms
Our estimate of total baptisms rises from 3,000 to 6,000 between 1560 and 1600.
“our estimate of total baptisms rises from 3,000 to 6,000.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
It is only after 1730 that all regions show a v-shaped mortality profile.
“It is only after 1730, in the last panel, that all regions show a v-shaped profile.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
In 1650-63, all three areas, especially the extra-mural parishes, showed a strong autumn peak.
“For 1650-63, all three areas, but especially the extra-mural parishes, show a strong autumn peak.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
For 1670-89, all districts continued to show a very marked autumn peak in mortality.
“for 1670-89, all districts continue to show a very marked autumn peak in mortality”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)
We did not find any large or significant connection between births and living standards in regressions using estimated births from 1560 to 1639.
“we ran similar regressions to those for deaths across the different regions of London, using estimated births from 1560 to the end of reliable registration in 1639, but did not find any large or significant connection with living standards, and do not report the results here.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
- The authors state this as an assumption: Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
- Findingnone given§ VII: Baptisms
The number of children baptized in Anglican churches fell sharply after 1639.
“In addition the number of children baptized in Anglican churches falls sharply after 1639.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ VIII: Positive checks
Current wage affects deaths in the extra-mural and out-parishes with an elasticity of 0.4.
“but affects deaths in the extra-mural and out-parishes with an elasticity of 0.4.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
- The authors state this as an assumption: Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
- Findingown data§ IX: Conclusions
Mortality in the major plagues ran at around five to six times normal mortality.
“We found that mortality in the major plagues ran at around five to six times normal mortality”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ V: Child deaths
The share of children in total deaths rose from around one-third in the 1560s to nearly one-half in the mid-seventeenth century.
“the share of children in total deaths rising from around one-third in the 1560s to nearly one-half in the mid-seventeenth century.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, allowing spatial and temporal variations in mortality to be traced.
- Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
When out-parishes are excluded, the median ratio of births to deaths in the intra- and extra-mural parishes is 0.9 with an interquartile range from 0.7 to 1.0.
“When the out-parishes are excluded, the median ratio of births to deaths in the intra-and extra-mural parishes is 0.9 with an interquartile range from 0.7 to 1.0.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ VIII: Positive checks
In the regressions here, the impact of wages on mortality is immediate.
“For the regressions here, by contrast, the impact of wages on mortality is immediate”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
- The authors state this as an assumption: Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
- Findingown data§ IX: Conclusions
The impact of plague on richer city parishes fell through time.
“while the impact of plague on richer city parishes fell through time”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ VII: Baptisms
For the seventeenth century, estimates of baptisms and Graunt's totals show similar trends and levels, with a steady rise from around 6,000 around 1605 to 11,000 in 1640.
“For the seventeenth century, comparing our estimates of baptisms with the total given by Graunt, we can see similar trends and levels in both series, with a steady rise from around 6,000 around 1605 to 11,000 in 1640.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: Missing parishes had the same ratio of baptisms to burials as parishes with surviving records in the same area.
- Findingown data§ V: Child deaths
The central parishes had a consistently lower ratio of child deaths to baptisms compared with the extramural and out-parishes.
“the central parishes had a consistently lower ratio of child deaths to baptisms compared with the extramural and out-parishes.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ VII: Baptisms
Our results are consistent with the established view that London's population roughly doubled between 1560 and 1600.
“Looking at the sixteenth century, our results are consistent with the established view that London's population roughly doubled between 1560 and 1600”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Findingown data§ V: Child deaths
For the inter-plague period 1605-24, roughly half of those born survived childhood.
“For the inter-plague period 1605-24 we find that roughly half of those born survived childhood”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The annual ratio of child deaths to births approximates the probability of dying during childhood.
- Findingown data§ IX: Conclusions
The impact of plague on suburban parishes rose through time.
“and its impact on suburban parishes rose.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ IX: Conclusions
Mortality before 1665 peaked in the autumn as expected with plague.
“Looking at the seasonality of mortality, we found that mortality before 1665 peaked in the autumn as we would expect with plague”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ IX: Conclusions
The autumn mortality pattern persisted for several decades after the supposed disappearance of plague, especially in poorer suburbs.
“but that this pattern persisted for several decades after the supposed disappearance of plague, especially in poorer suburbs of the city.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationown data§ IV: Mortality crises
There appears to be a disappearance of smaller mortality crises from 1590 onwards.
“In other words, there appears to be a disappearance of smaller crises from 1590 onwards.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationown data§ Living standards and plague in
The lower mortality in central intra-mural parishes by 1665 reflects the marked increase in the concentration of wealthy households in these areas.
“reflecting the marked increase that we find in the concentration of wealthy households in these areas.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationown data§ I: London parish records
The parishes in the sample account for a substantial proportion of London's population in the early seventeenth century.
“The parishes in our sample therefore account for a substantial proportion of London's population in the early seventeenth century.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The south-westerly shift in the source of the plague probably mirrors the changing map of London poverty in the mid-seventeenth century with the rapid growth of the west of the city.
“This south-westerly shift in the source of the plague probably mirrors the changing map of London poverty in the mid-seventeenth century with the rapid growth of the west of the city.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ Living standards and plague in
Assuming a normal mortality rate of around 3.0-3.5 per cent, one-fifth of London's population died in each of the major plagues within a few months.
“Assuming a normal mortality rate of around 3.0-3.5 per cent, this implies that one-fifth of the city's population died each time, within the space of a few months.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- The authors state this as an assumption: The normal mortality rate in London was around 3.0–3.5 per cent.
- Study design and conductown data§ Living standards and plague in
The study's sample comprises individual burial records of over 80 per cent of those who died in London in 1560-1665.
“We estimate that our sample comprises the individual burial records of over 80 per cent of those who died in London in this period.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Study design and conductcitation§ I: London parish records
Of surviving parish registers for the period listed by Webb, only one extant register is absent from the sample: the tiny All Hallows Bread Street.
“Of surviving parish registers for our period listed by Webb, only one extant register is absent from our sample: the tiny All Hallows Bread Street (starts 1538, 0.06 per cent of deaths in 1636).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Webb
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Interpretationown data§ IV.1: Diffusion of plague
The possible endemicity of plague is further supported by the seasonality of mortality, where mortality shows the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague even in years with few recorded plague deaths.
“The possible endemicity of plague is further supported by the seasonality of mortality (see section VI below) where mortality shows the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague, even in years with few recorded plague deaths.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Premisecitation§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues
In practice, the symptoms of plague and typhus were often similar.
“While the London Bills, and most modern authors, confidently distinguish between plague and typhus as causes of death, in practice the symptoms of the two diseases were often similar.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Encyclopaedia Britannica 1902
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Murchison
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Study design and conductown data§ I: London parish records
For 1578, the 73 intra- and extra-mural parishes in the sample account for 80 per cent of deaths recorded in the London Bill.
“For 1578, the 73 intra-and extra-mural parishes in our sample account for 80 per cent of deaths recorded in the London Bill.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ IV: Mortality crises
Annual London mortality goes from being highly volatile and unpredictable to being smooth and predictable.
“Annual London mortality goes from being highly volatile and unpredictable, to being smooth and predictable.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ V: Child deaths
The rising share of children in recorded deaths between the late sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries does not indicate a worsening mortality experience for children.
“The rising share of children in recorded deaths between the late sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries does not appear to indicate a worsening mortality experience for children”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)
Plague mortality had little impact on wages because new migrants rapidly replaced dead Londoners.
“it is notable that plague mortality had little impact on wages because new migrants rapidly replaced dead Londoners.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ V: Child deaths
Registration of child deaths fell in the latter parts of 1625 and 1665 as mortality rose.
“indicating that registration of child deaths fell in the latter parts of these years as mortality rose.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ VIII: Positive checks
The varying impact of living standards on mortality possibly reflects organization of public charity as well as living standards.
“The varying impact of living standards on mortality possibly reflects organization of public charity as well as living standards”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationcitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The same seasonal pattern of mortality as during earlier periods between plague epidemics persisted after 1665 until the 1720s, most strongly in the poorer extra-mural and out-parishes.
“It therefore appears that the same seasonal pattern of mortality as during earlier periods between plague epidemics persisted after 1665 until the 1720s, most strongly in the poorer extra-mural and out-parishes.52”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [52] 52. Slack, P., The impact of plague in Tudor and Stuart England (1985).
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Interpretationnone given§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The geographical spread of plague across London is not supportive of the idea that plague was imported through the docks in the east of the city from foreign ports.
“The geographical spread of plague across London is not supportive of the idea that plague was imported through the docks in the east of the city from foreign ports.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ V: Child deaths
The practice of sending infants out to wet nurses was not widespread outside the very wealthiest parishes.
“the fact that child deaths as a share of total deaths are not appreciably lower in the central intra-mural parishes than elsewhere suggests that this practice was not widespread outside the very wealthiest parishes”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The notion of London as an undifferentiated demographic sink where burials uniformly exceeded baptisms is not sustainable, particularly after 1600.
“It is immediately apparent that the notion of London as an undifferentiated demographic sink where burials uniformly exceeded baptisms is not sustainable, particularly after 1600.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Premisecitation§ VIII: Positive checks
For rural England between 1600 and 1650, and for London after 1650, Kelly and Ó Gráda show that mortality is affected by wages with a lag of one year.
“For rural England between 1600 and 1650, and for London after 1650, Kelly and Ó Gráda show that mortality is affected by wages with a lag of one year”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [61] 61. Wrigley, E. A., 'A simple model of London's importance in changing English society and economy 1650-1750', Past and Present, 37 (1967), pp. 44-70. source
- Interpretationreasoning§ V: Child deaths
The practice of sending infants out to wet nurses does not affect overall child mortality of the region materially.
“and does not affect overall child mortality of the region materially.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Premisecitation§ V: Child deaths
Newton shows that the low mortality of the wealthiest Cheapside parishes is explained by the practice of sending infants out to wet nurses, so that their deaths are recorded elsewhere.
“Newton shows that the low mortality of the wealthiest Cheapside parishes is explained by the practice of sending infants out to wet nurses, so that their deaths are recorded elsewhere.46”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [46] 46. Murchison, C., A treatise on the continued fevers of Great Britain (1862).
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Study design and conductown data§ V: Child deaths
For about half the parishes in the sample, the register records some burials as 'son of' or 'daughter of', allowing the deceased to be identified as young, probably under 15 years of age.
“However, for about half the parishes in our sample, the register records some burials as 'son of' or 'daughter of', allowing us to conclude that the deceased was young, probably under 15 years of age.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationcitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
Plague was generated internally in response to local conditions rather than spreading in international waves.
“That plague is generated internally in response to local conditions rather than spreading in international waves is suggested further by Biraben's data on the number of cities reporting plague each year.44”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [44] 44. Monecke, S., Monecke, H., and Monecke, J., 'Modelling the Black Death: a historical case study and implications for the epidemiology of bubonic plague', International Journal of Medical Microbiology, 299 (2009), pp. 582-93. source
- Interpretationreasoning§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The absence of any major epidemics in the long period after 1665 argues against the interpretation that isolated cases of plague continued annually until the 1720s.
“However, the absence of any major epidemics in this long period does argue against this interpretation.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015
The marked improvement in the ratio of births to deaths appears to be associated with the disappearance of smaller plague outbreaks after 1590.
“The marked improvement in the ratio of births to deaths appears to be associated with the disappearance of smaller plague outbreaks after 1590 noted above.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
- Classified as probably not a substantial claim. 17
- May combine two claims. 54
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Findingreasoning§ Economic HistoryIn 1665, several large parishes appear to have given up recording individual burials, although parish clerks must have maintained running totals reported in weekly meetings to compile the London Bills.
“Similarly, in 1665 we can see how several large parishes appear to have given up recording individual burials, although parish clerks must have maintained running totals that they reported in their weekly meetings to compile the London Bills.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Living standards and plague inThe impact of plague on wealthier central parishes fell markedly over time: in 1563 they fared worse than the rest of London, but after 1603 their mortality became markedly better than poorer neighbours, and in 1665 their rise in mortality was around half that of the extra-mural parishes.
“The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time.”
- Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
“The major trend apparent in figure 5 is the sharp fall in mortality in the central parishes.In 1563 these fared worse than the rest of London but, after 1603, their experience became markedly better than their poorer neighbours, with a rise in mortality in 1665 around half that of the extra-mural parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Living standards and plague inThe plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 were of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate.
“The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time.”
- Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
“Looking at mortality across the intra-and extra-mural parishes, figure 5 shows that the plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 were of roughly equal deadliness, with deaths running from five to six times their usual level; while the plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ II: The social geography of LondonFor 1638, strong spatial autocorrelation is clear with a p-value for the test statistic of 0.00.
“For 1638, the strong spatial autocorrelation is clear with a p-value for the test statistic of 0.00.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015For 1563, the study's estimates are 21,000 deaths for the intra- and extra-mural parishes and 3,000 for the out-parishes excluding distant parishes.
“For 1563, Creighton gives Stow's estimates of 20,322 deaths for the intra-and extra-mural parishes, and 3,288 for 11 out-parishes; whereas our estimates are 21,000 for the intra-and extra-mural parishes; and for the out-parishes excluding distant parishes 3,000.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Creighton
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plaguesDuring 1563 several central parishes were among the hardest hit, still the case though less markedly in 1603; by 1665 the most prosperous parishes stood out as an island of low mortality.
“During 1563 several central parishes were among the hardest hit, and this was still the case, although less markedly, in 1603.By 1665, however, the most prosperous parishes, based on the 1638 proportion of substantial households in figure 3, stand out as an island of low mortality.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic HistoryBefore 1665, most parish totals match the London Bills totals fairly closely, although there are a few cases where the parish record is considerably lower.
“It can be seen that, before 1665, most parish totals match the London Bills totals fairly closely, although there are a few cases where the parish record is considerably lower.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ II: The social geography of LondonAlthough central parishes tend to be rich and peripheral ones poor, the spatial distribution of wealth is more diffuse in 1582 than in 1638.
“It can be seen that although the central parishes tend to be rich and the peripheral ones poor, as Slack argued, the spatial distribution of wealth is more diffuse in 1582 than in 1638.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Slack
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Living standards and plague inA late autumn peak in mortality persisted in London after the supposed disappearance of plague: in more affluent central parishes until the early 1700s, and in surrounding extra-mural and out-parishes until the end of the 1720s.
“Looking at the seasonal pattern of mortality, we find that the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague continued into the early 1700s.”
- Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · boosted
“Instead we find a strong, but gradually diminishing, late autumn peak in the more affluent central parishes until the early 1700s, and in the surrounding extra-mural and out-parishes until the end of the 1720s.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Rests on an assumption: Rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer.
- Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · boosted
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Living standards and plague inDeaths above the crisis threshold accounted for about one-fifth (18 per cent) of total mortality in 1560-1665, falling to 1.8 per cent after 1665.
“For the period 1560-1665, we find that deaths above the crisis threshold accounted for about one-fifth of total mortality: large plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of other causes.”
- Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
“Between 1560 and 1665, these account for 18 per cent of deaths; and this falls to 1.8 per cent after 1665.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ II: The social geography of LondonThe Moran statistic for no spatial autocorrelation has a p-value of 0.07 for 1582, consistent with the distribution of wealth within the walls having low spatial organization.
“The Moran statistic for no spatial autocorrelation (assigning equal weight to each of a parish's neighbours) has a p-value of 0.07 for 1582, consistent with the distribution of wealth within the walls having low spatial organization.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Living standards and plague inThe frequency and deadliness of smaller mortality crises fell markedly after 1590.
“While major plagues recur throughout our period, the frequency and deadliness of smaller crises falls markedly after 1590.”
- Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
“there is a marked reduction in the number of smaller mortality crises from the 1590s onwards: from 1563 to 1593, there are 10 years when crisis mortality exceeded 10 per cent of deaths, but from 1594 to 1665 there are only five years.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plaguesThe plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.
“while the plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ V: Child deathsThe ratio of children's deaths to baptisms remained fairly stable, rising in the 1640s and 1650s as the share of children being baptized fell.
“in the lower panel we can see that the ratio of children's deaths to baptisms at this time remains fairly stable, rising in the 1640s and 1650s as the share of children being baptized falls”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015The interquartile range of birth to death ratios varied from 1.0-1.3 in affluent intra-mural parishes, 0.8-1.0 in poorer intra-mural parishes, 0.6-0.9 in extra-mural parishes, to 0.4-0.7 in out-parishes.
“However, this interquartile range varied from between 1.0 and 1.3 in the affluent intra-mural parishes, through a range of 0.8-1.0 in poorer intra-mural parishes and 0.6-0.9 in the extra-mural parishes, to 0.4-0.7 in the out-parishes.54”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [54] 54. Southall, H. R. and Burton, N., 'GIS of the ancient parishes of England and Wales, 1500-1850' (2004), http://discover.ukdataservice.ac.uk/catalogue?sn=4828 (accessed on 19 Dec. 2014). source
May combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ VII.2: Fall in baptisms in plague yearsComparing affluent central parishes in 1625 and 1665, there was a constant fall in births despite lower mortality in 1665, indicating population flight.
“Comparing the affluent central parishes in 1625 and 1665 in figure 14, we can see support for Slack's view, with a constant fall in births despite lower mortality in 1665, indicating population flight.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015The average annual deficit of deaths over births across the 130 parishes was 2,000 in the 1560s, 2,700 in the 1570s, 1,500 in the 1580s, 3,800 in the 1590s, 5,100 in the 1600s, 900 in the 1610s, 6,500 in the 1620s, and 1,900 in the 1630s.
“we estimate that the average annual deficit of deaths over births was 2,000 in the 1560s, 2,700 in the 1570s, 1,500 in the 1580s, 3,800 in the 1590s, 5,100 in the 1600s, 900 in the 1610s, 6,500 in the 1620s, and 1,900 in the 1630s.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015For London total, the interquartile range of birth to death ratios ran from 0.7 to 0.9; in the median year births were 80 per cent of deaths.
“Looking at the interquartile range of birth to death ratios, the total for London ran from 0.7 to 0.9: in the median year births were 80 per cent of deaths.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ V: Child deathsFor the inter-plague period 1605-24, the ratio of child deaths to baptisms was 0.45 in both rich and poor intra-mural parishes, and 0.55 in extra-mural and out-parishes.
“the ratio of child deaths to baptisms is 0.45 in both rich and poor intra-mural parishes, and 0.55 in extra-mural and out-parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ V: Child deathsFor the inter-plague period 1565-92, intra-mural parishes recorded a child-death to baptism ratio of 0.45, while extra-mural and out-parishes together had a ratio of 0.67.
“For the sixteenth century, looking at the inter-plague period 1565-92, intra-mural parishes again record a child-death to baptism ratio of 0.45, but the extra-mural and out-parishes together have a ratio of 0.67.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ VII: BaptismsFor 1578-82, Creighton's numbers vary between 3,200 and 3,600 and are almost identical to our estimates, except for 1581 where he reports 2,900 while our estimate is 3,700.
“For 1578-82 Creighton's numbers vary between 3,200 and 3,600 and are almost identical to our estimates, except for 1581 where he reports the implausibly low figure of 2,900 even though deaths are not elevated, while our estimate is 3,700.53”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [53] 53. Slack, P., Poverty and policy in Tudor and Stuart England (Harlow, 1988).
May combine two claims.
Findingown data§ IX: ConclusionsCrisis mortality first emerged in the poor northern suburbs, although this sometimes coincided with its emergence in eastern parishes.
“Looking at the spatial diffusion of plague, we find a consistent pattern of crisis mortality first emerging in the poor northern suburbs, although this sometimes coincided with its emergence in eastern parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ VII: BaptismsThe intra-mural parishes were overtaken by the extra-mural ones by the 1570s, and matched by the out-parishes by the early 1600s.
“with the intra-mural parishes being overtaken by the extra-mural ones by the 1570s, and matched by the out-parishes by the early 1600s.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015The ratio of births to deaths became more favourable in 1600-1639, with a median ratio of 1.1 for wealthier parishes within the walls, 0.9 for poorer intra- and extra-mural parishes, and 0.7 for out-parishes.
“The ratio of births to deaths becomes more favourable in the second half of the period, from 1600 to 1639, with a median ratio of 1.1 for the wealthier parishes within the walls, 0.9 for the poorer intra-and extra-mural parishes, and 0.7 for the out-parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015In 1613-23, intra-mural parishes showed a summer minimum and winter peak, while extra-mural and out-parishes both showed strong autumn peaks.
“Looking at the first period, the intra-mural parishes show a summer minimum and winter peak, but the extra-mural and out-parishes both show strong autumn peaks”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ VII: BaptismsThe growth of Westminster only begins around 1600 and it is still small relative to the other districts by 1640.
“It can be seen that the growth of Westminster only begins around 1600 and that it is still small relative to the other districts by 1640.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015By 1710-29, the intra-mural area had reached the standard v-shaped mortality profile but the extra-mural and out-parishes continued to show marked autumn peaks.
“By 1710-29, the intra-mural area has reached the standard v-shaped mortality profile but the extra-mural and out-parishes continue to show marked autumn peaks.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ III: Reconstructing deathsSpatially, London mortality rates were bowl-shaped, rising as one moves outwards, and extrapolating these spatial trends to large missing suburbs led to excessive estimates.
“Spatially, London mortality rates were bowl-shaped, rising as one moves outwards, and extrapolating these spatial trends to large missing suburbs led to excessive estimates.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingnone given§ V: Child deathsPlague mortality usually peaked in the autumn, and this is the pattern seen in London before 1665, even in years with few recorded plague deaths between major epidemics.
“By contrast, plague mortality usually peaked in the autumn, and this is the pattern we see in London before 1665, even in years with few recorded plague deaths between major epidemics.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingown data§ VII: BaptismsThe rise in London's population was not continuous, with most growth occurring in the 1570s and 1580s, and the number of births appearing static during the 1560s and 1590s.
“However, our results suggest that this rise was not continuous, with most growth occurring in the 1570s and 1580s, with the number of births appearing static during the 1560s and 1590s.53”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [53] 53. Slack, P., Poverty and policy in Tudor and Stuart England (Harlow, 1988).
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductown data§ I: London parish recordsThe study has records for 87 intra-mural parishes, although in 10 cases there are fewer than 10 years of observations.
“We have records for 87 intra-mural parishes, although in 10 cases there are fewer than 10 years of observations.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).
Study design and conductnone given§ IV: Mortality crisesPlague deaths suffer from severe under-registration.
“However, as noted above, plague deaths suffer from severe under-registration.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimClassified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ II: The social geography of LondonSlack found that the same parishes tended to be among the richest or poorest over two centuries, and concluded that there was a fairly constant social geography of rich central parishes surrounded by a poorer periphery.
“Slack found that the same parishes tended to be among the richest or poorest over two centuries, and concluded that there was a fairly constant social geography of rich central parishes surrounded by a poorer periphery.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Slack
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductown data§ I: London parish recordsBy region, the sample parishes account for 66 per cent of 1636 deaths in the intra-mural parishes, 77 per cent in the extra-mural parishes, and 70 per cent in the out-parishes.
“By region, our parishes account for 66 per cent of 1636 deaths in the intra-mural parishes, 77 per cent in the extra-mural parishes, and 70 per cent in the out-parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimClassified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.
Study design and conductcitation§ IV: Mortality crisesThe specific surveillance algorithm used is due to Farrington et al., implemented by Höhle.
“The specific algorithm we use is due to Farrington et al., implemented by Höhle.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Farrington et al.
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Höhle
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Classified as probably not a substantial claim.
Premisecitation§ II: The social geography of LondonThe view that the social geography of London was relatively fixed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is shared by Boulton.
“This view that the social geography of London was relatively fixed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is shared by Boulton.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Boulton
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ II: The social geography of LondonThe affluent were strongly concentrated in a central belt of intra-mural parishes, with prosperity declining as one approached the city wall and river.
“Finlay's data are reproduced in the second panel of figure 3, which shows how the affluent were strongly concentrated in a central belt of intra-mural parishes, with prosperity declining as one approached the city wall and river.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Finlay
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductreasoning§ Economic HistoryUsing downloads of individual records from Ancestry.com creates three sources of potential error: imperfect transcription, failure to download all relevant records, or failure to remove duplicated entries.
“This creates three sources of potential error: the registers may have been transcribed imperfectly; we may have failed to download all relevant records; or we may have failed to remove all duplicated entries that frequently arise from including bishops' transcripts of the original registers.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Study design and conductown data§ I: London parish recordsThe missing parishes are generally smaller, recording fewer than 100 deaths in 1660, and can be fairly reliably interpolated from records of surrounding parishes.
“However, the missing parishes are generally the smaller ones, recording fewer than 100 deaths in 1660, and we will see below that they can be fairly reliably interpolated from records of surrounding parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plaguesEpidemic outbreaks of typhus and plague can be distinguished by the fact that typhus rarely kills children, whereas plague kills both adults and children.
“Epidemic outbreaks of the two diseases can be distinguished by the fact that typhus rarely kills children, whereas plague kills both adults and children”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Murchison
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ Living standards and plague inThe spatial cross-section of London mortality is strongly Malthusian, with wealthier households replacing themselves outside plague years while poor districts suffered a marked excess of deaths over births even between major plagues.
“In other words, the spatial cross-section of London mortality is strongly Malthusian, with wealthier households replacing themselves (outside plague years, to which affluent areas became less vulnerable through time) while poor districts suffered a marked excess of deaths over births even between major plagues.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationown data§ Living standards and plague inLarge plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of causes other than plague.
“large plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of other causes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Study design and conductnone given§ IV: Mortality crisesThe burial register data rarely give cause of death, unlike the London Bills, which list the number of plague deaths by parish.
“The burial register data rarely give cause of death, unlike the London Bills, which list the number of plague deaths by parish.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Study design and conductnone given§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015Allowing the Poisson parameter to show a seasonal trend did not change the results in any way.
“Allowing the Poisson parameter to show a seasonal trend of the sort outlined in section VI did not change the results in any way.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimClassified as probably not a substantial claim.
Premisecitation§ VII.2: Fall in baptisms in plague yearsSlack argues that flight among the affluent increased as the seventeenth century progressed.
“Slack argues that flight among the affluent increased as the seventeenth century progressed.56”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [56] 56. Sutherland, I., 'When was the Great Plague? Mortality in London, 1563 to 1665', in D. V. Glass and R. Revelle, eds., Population and social change (1972), pp. 287-320.
Not checked in the free run.
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plaguesMurchison notes that the symptoms of typhus and plague are almost identical, with the characteristic petechial spots of typhus corresponding to plague tokens, and that swift, agonizing death and swollen lymph glands in typhus are not uncommon.
“In the standard Victorian reference on typhus, Charles Murchison notes that the symptoms of typhus and plague are almost identical, with the characteristic petechial spots (caused by intradermal bleeding) of typhus (hence its name of spotted or purple fever) corresponding to plague tokens (the 'ring of roses'); while swift, agonizing death and the appearance of swollen lymph glands or buboes in ty”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Murchison
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ VIII: Positive checksKelly and Ó Gráda show that England outside London saw the disappearance of the positive check during the early seventeenth century, while London after 1665 showed a continued strong positive check until the early eighteenth century.
“Kelly and Ó Gráda show that England, outside London, saw the disappearance of the positive check during the early seventeenth century, while London after 1665 showed a con-”
- Also stated in: § VIII: Positive checks · boosted
“tinued strong positive check until the early eighteenth century.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [57] 57. Taddy, M. A., Gramacy, R. B., and Polson, N. G., 'Dynamic trees for learning and design', Journal of the American Statistical Association, 106, 493 (2011), pp. 109-23. source
- Also stated in: § VIII: Positive checks · boosted
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)Boulton finds a slight increase for craftsmen after 1593 and 1603, but little overall impact on wages.
“Boulton finds a slight increase for craftsmen after 1593 and 1603; but little overall impact on wages.64”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [64]
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Study design and conductcitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015Our estimated deficits match fairly well with those for London provided by Wrigley and Schofield.
“It is notable that our estimated deficits match fairly well with those for London provided by Wrigley and Schofield.55”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [55] 55. Spence, C., London in the 1690s: a social atlas (2000).
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationown data§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015The spatial gradient of replacement ratios across London is markedly Malthusian, with prosperous families usually able to reproduce themselves outside plague years, while households in poorer suburbs usually suffered a sharp excess of deaths over births even in intervals between major plagues.
“In other words, the spatial gradient of replacement ratios across London is markedly Malthusian, with prosperous families usually able to reproduce themselves, outside plague years (whose impact, as we have seen, fell markedly in wealthier areas), while households in the poorer suburbs usually suffered a sharp excess of deaths over births, even in intervals between major plagues.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ III.1: Relative magnitudes of plaguesThe 1902 Encyclopaedia Britannica notes that in autopsies the appearances resemble those of typhus, except for the special affection of the lymphatic glands.
“Under 'Plague-Morbid Anatomy', the 1902 Encyclopaedia Britannica notes that in autopsies 'The appearances are those of death from an acute infective disease, and resemble those of typhus, except for the special affection of the lymphatic glands'.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Encyclopaedia Britannica 1902
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductreasoning§ III: Reconstructing deathsAlternative spatial methods produced results close to known totals after 1604 but generated serious overestimates for 1578-1582.
“When predicting missing values, each produced results close to known totals after 1604, but generated serious overestimates for 1578-1582.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Wood
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Taddy, Gramacy, and Polson
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)As Graunt noted, births recovered to pre-plague levels within two years.
“As Graunt noted, births, which serve as a measure of population, recovered to pre-plague levels within two years (see figure 12).65”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [65]
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductown data§ VII: BaptismsUnlike deaths, there is no complete set of parish totals for any year; the London Bills only record aggregates over large groups of parishes.
“A complication in imputing births is that, unlike deaths, we have no complete set of parish totals for any year: the London Bills only record aggregates over large groups of parishes.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationown data§ VIII: Positive checksThe immediate response of mortality to living standards may reflect a large population surviving close to the edge of biological subsistence, or immigration of the rural poor after bad harvests.
“This immediate response of mortality to living standards may reflect a large population surviving close to the edge of biological subsistence, or immigration of the rural poor after bad harvests”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ V: Child deathsTyphus in England showed little seasonality, with epidemics occurring at any time of the year, with a slight prevalence in colder months.
“Typhus in England, by contrast, showed little seasonality, with epidemics occurring at any time of the year, with a slight prevalence in colder months.51”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [51] 51. Slack, P., 'The disappearance of the plague: an alternative view', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XXXIV (1981), pp. 469-76. source
May combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ V: Child deathsThe benefits of the mortality improvement in the early seventeenth century went disproportionately to adults or children constituted a larger share of the population.
“This suggests that the benefits of the mortality improvement in the early seventeenth century went disproportionately to adults or that children constituted a larger share of the population.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ V: Child deathsFor rural England at this time, mortality peaked in March and reached a minimum in July.
“For rural England at this time, Wrigley and Schofield show that mortality peaked in March and reached a minimum in July.50”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [50] 50. Sharlin, A., 'Natural decrease in early modern cities: a rejoinder', Past and Present, 92 (1981), pp. 175-80. source
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Study design and conductcitation§ V: Child deathsThese rates are similar to estimates for four parishes by Finlay.
“These rates are similar to estimates for four parishes by Finlay.48”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [48] 48. Razzell, P., 'Infant mortality in London, 1538-1850: a methodological study', Local Population Studies, 87 (2011), pp. 45-64. source
May combine two claims.
Study design and conductown data§ VII: BaptismsRatios of baptisms to burials are roughly similar in every parish except St James Clerkenwell, where recorded baptisms run consistently around one-third of burials.
“Another reliability check comes from comparing ratios of baptisms to burials, which are roughly similar in every parish with the exception of St James Clerkenwell, where recorded baptisms run consistently around one-third of burials.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Study design and conductnone given§ VII: BaptismsThe accuracy of baptismal totals can be assessed by comparing them with annual totals recorded by Graunt.
“However, we can still assess the accuracy of our baptismal totals by comparing them with annual totals recorded by Graunt.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ IX: ConclusionsLanders and Mouzas note the autumn peak in mortality after 1665, which they attribute to 'convulsions', smallpox, and fever, but they do not note its similarity to earlier intra-plague periods.
“Landers and Mouzas, 'Burial seasonality', note the autumn peak in mortality after 1665, which they attribute to 'convulsions', smallpox, and fever (p.66), but they do not note its similarity to earlier intra-plague periods.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Landers and Mouzas, 'Burial seasonality'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Interpretationown data§ IX: ConclusionsThese may possibly be combined totals for the two plague years of 1592 and 1593, but the correlation with individual parish records in our sample is low.
“These may possibly be combined totals for the two plague years of 1592 and 1593, but the correlation with individual parish records in our sample is low.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
The paper relies on this without support.
No study of London parish registers in their entirety had been attempted before this study.
“Several studies have analysed small samples of these records, 10 but no study of them in their entirety has been attempted.”
The authors state this as an assumption.
The normal mortality rate in London was around 3.0–3.5 per cent.
“Assuming a normal mortality rate of around 3.0-3.5 per cent, this implies that one-fifth of the city's population died each time, within the space of a few months.”
The paper relies on this without support.
Before the late nineteenth century it was difficult, even for professional pathologists, to distinguish isolated adult cases of plague from typhus.
“before the late nineteenth century it was considered difficult, even for professional pathologists, to distinguish isolated adult cases of plague from typhus, which should make us cautious of claims that plague suddenly disappeared from England after 1665.”
The paper relies on this without support.
Rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer.
“While rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer, London deaths before 1665 show a strong peak in the late autumn, even in years with few reported plague deaths.”
The authors state this as an assumption.
For parishes where burial registers are unavailable, there is no seasonal trend in mortality, so weekly burials follow a Poisson distribution with parameter equal to annual burials divided by 52.
“we assume that there is no seasonal trend in mortality, so that if d it burials took place in parish i in year t, weekly burials in that parish follow a Poisson distribution with parameter d it /52.”
The authors state this as an assumption.
The annual ratio of child deaths to births approximates the probability of dying during childhood.
“To a first approximation this annual ratio of child deaths to births gives the probability of dying during childhood.47”
The authors state this as an assumption.
Missing parishes had the same ratio of baptisms to burials as parishes with surviving records in the same area.
“we took the ratio of baptisms to burials in parishes with surviving records across each area of the city (intra-mural, extra-mural, outparishes, and Westminster) and assumed that missing parishes had the same ratio.”
The authors state this as an assumption.
The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.
“Like Kelly and Ó Gráda, we assume that the death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages:”
The authors state this as an assumption.
Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.
“We therefore assume in each regression that annual population growth is roughly constant N t = (1 + g)N t-1 .”
The authors state this as an assumption.
The proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, allowing spatial and temporal variations in mortality to be traced.
“We are agnostic as to the accuracy of the parish registers as records of mortality, taking the view that so long as the proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, we can trace the spatial and temporal variations in mortality that concern us here.”
Self-check
Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.
Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.
Child-death discussion points to the seasonality figure
MinorThe text directs readers to figure 11 for child deaths relative to baptisms, but figure 11 is identified as a chart of deaths by month.
“Across regions, the bottom panel of figure 11 shows that the central parishes had a consistently lower ratio of child deaths to baptisms compared with the extramural and out-parishes.”
“Figure 11.Share of deaths by months in intra-mural, extra-mural, and out-parishes”
Wage coefficients are incorrectly marked significant at 1%
MinorThe wage estimates marked with ** have estimate-to-standard-error ratios of about 1.95, 2.05, and 2.24. None reaches the stated 1% significance threshold.
“** indicates significant at 1%.”
“| Wage | -0.37** (0.19) | -0.22 (0.18) | -0.43** (0.21) | -0.47** (0.21) | -0.38 (0.23) |”
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Plague and Lethal Epidemics in the Pre-Industrial World
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Dangers of Noncritical Use of Historical Plague Data
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Urban and rural mortality and survival in Medieval England
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“This level of mortality is consistent with estimates of plague mortality in 17th century London (Cummins et al., 2015), which suggests that plague mortality might not explain the urban vs rural differences observed in this study.”
ResultLifespans of the European Elite, 800–1800
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Self-citationLiving standards and mortality since the middle ages
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“…(Cohn and Alfani 2007; Whittles and Didelot 2016), the within-city diffusion of plague and the seasonal pattern of mortality (Galanaud et al. 2015; Cummins et al. 2016), the age and sex structure of excess mortality from plague Population Studies, 2018…”
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“…to the other socioeconomic strata (Alfani, 2020): this has been documented for the Spanish flu (Fourie & Jayes, 2021) but also for older epidemics such as the Black Death (Cummins et al., 2016; Alfani & Murphy, 2017) and the nineteenth-century cholera pandemic (Ambrus, Field, & Gonzalez, 2020).”
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“Individuals who had previously suffered environmental, nutritional, and disease stressors experienced a greater risk of death from the plague compared to their healthier peers (2, 9, 10).”
BackgroundAcceleration of plague outbreaks in the second pandemic
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“We use weekly counts of deaths published online by Cummins, which are estimated to cover 80% of total deaths (31).”
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Demographic and Evolutionary Consequences of Pandemic Diseases
DeWitte, S. N., & Wissler, A. (2021) · Bioarchaeology International · doi:10.5744/bi.2020.0024 · Cited by 22 · see citing works
“…evidence from some contexts indicates that mortality during the Second Pandemic of Plague was higher among lower status and poorer people (Alfani and Bonetti 2018; Carmichael 1986; Cummins et al. 2015; DeWitte and Kowaleski 2017; Galanaud et al. 2020; see also, e.g., Alfani and Murphy 2017).”
Model-based analysis of an outbreak of bubonic plague in Cairo in 1801
Didelot, X., Whittles, L. K., & Hall, I. (2017) · Journal of The Royal Society Interface · doi:10.1098/rsif.2017.0160 · Cited by 19 · see citing works
The unpopularity of the hearth tax and the social geography of London in 1666
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Pandemics and socio-economic status. Evidence from the plague of 1630 in northern Italy
Alfani, G., Bonetti, M., & Fochesato, M. (2023) · Population Studies · doi:10.1080/00324728.2023.2197412 · Cited by 14 · see citing works
“…works which have explored topics such as the geographic and seasonal patterns of the spread of plague within cities (Galanaud et al. 2015; Cummins et al. 2016; Henderson 2019) and the age and sex structure of mortality (Manfredini et al. 2002; Séguy et al. 2006; Curtis and Roosen 2017;…”
BackgroundPERSISTENT PATTERNS OF BEHAVIOR: TWO INFECTIOUS DISEASE OUTBREAKS 350 YEARS APART
Dasgupta, U., Jha, C. K., & Sarangi, S. (2020) · Economic Inquiry · doi:10.1111/ecin.12961 · Cited by 13 · see citing works
Evans, C. M., & Evans, A. E. (2019) · Continuity and Change · doi:10.1017/s0268416019000158 · Cited by 13 · see citing works
Perceptions of plague in eighteenth‐century Europe†
Slack, P. (2021) · The Economic History Review · doi:10.1111/ehr.13080 · Cited by 11 · see citing works
The invisible enemy: Fighting the plague in early modern Italy
Henderson, J. (2020) · Centaurus · doi:10.1111/1600-0498.12303 · Cited by 11 · see citing works
Slack, P. (2017) · The Historical Journal · doi:10.1017/s0018246x17000358 · Cited by 11 · see citing works
Galanaud, P., Galanaud, A., Giraudoux, P., et al. (2020) · PLoS ONE · doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0226420 · Cited by 10 · see citing works
“The influence of poverty or low socioeconomic status on plague-related mortality is apparent in most studies of preindustrial plagues [3, 14, 31, 38, 39], although the influence varies in the long-term historical perspective [3, 40].”
BackgroundMackay, R. (2019) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781108632720 · Cited by 5 · see citing works
Hale, M., Raymond, G., & Wright, C. M. (2017) · The Economic History Review · doi:10.1111/ehr.12617 · Cited by 10 · see citing works
van Besouw, B., & Curtis, D. R. (2021) · Explorations in Economic History · doi:10.1016/j.eeh.2021.101425 · Cited by 9 · see citing works
“Still, mortality increases of the size discussed in Cummins et al. (2016) and Alfani (2013b) are rare in our data; there are only 109 instances of a mortality deviation of 5.0 or larger (68 instances of 6.0 and larger), or 0.9% out of a total of 11,831 deviation estimates for the years 1620–99.”
BackgroundInfluentialHale, M., Raymond, G., & Wright, C. M. (2012) · The Economic History Review · doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2012.00669.x · Cited by 9 · see citing works
Deceptive Contiguity: The Polygon in Spatial History
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Mixed Marriages in Ireland a Century AgoPreprint
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Self-citationLa peste : bref état des connaissances actuelles
Séguy, I., & Alfani, G. (2018) · Annales de Démographie Historique · doi:10.3917/adh.134.0013 · Cited by 7 · see citing works
Hudson, E. M., Madden, D., & Mosca, I. (2014) · Arrow@dit (Dublin Institute of Technology) · Cited by 6 · see citing works
Misconceptions About the Bioarchaeology of Plague
DeWitte, S. N. (2018) · Bioarchaeology and social theory · doi:10.1007/978-3-319-93012-1_5 · Cited by 3 · see citing works
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Self-citationOn Plague in a Time of EbolaPreprint
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“This is seen in the absence of any significant ‘plague’ effect on wages between the midsixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries (Cummins et al. 2015; Boulton 1996).”
BackgroundInfluentialSelf-citationEpidemics and Pandemics: From the Justinianic Plague to the Spanish Flu
Alfani, G. (2024) · Springer eBooks · doi:10.1007/978-3-031-35583-7_85 · Cited by 5 · see citing works
Bir Metin İki Kültür: Shakespeare’de Söyleşimci İmgelerin Türk Edebiyat Çoğuldizgesinde Görünürlüğü
KULELİ, M. (2023) · Çeviribilim ve Uygulamaları Dergisi · doi:10.37599/ceviri.1355903 · Cited by 3 · see citing works
Związek, T. (2020) · Journal of Environmental Geography · doi:10.2478/jengeo-2020-0001 · Cited by 3 · see citing works
Because She Never Let Them in: Irish Immigration a Century Ago and TodayPreprint
Ó'Gráda, C. (2013) · SSRN Electronic Journal · doi:10.2139/ssrn.2368774 · Cited by 3 · see citing works
Self-citationSelective mortality during famine and plague events in medieval London
Godde, K., DeWitte, S. N., Beaumont, J., Walter, B. S., Redfern, R. C., & Bekvalac, J. J. (2025) · Scientific Reports · doi:10.1038/s41598-025-13198-7 · Cited by 3 · see citing works
Lives versus livelihoods in the middle ages: The impact of the plague on trade over 400 years
Madsen, J. B., Robertson, P. E., & Ye, L. (2023) · European Economic Review · doi:10.1016/j.euroecorev.2023.104654 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
Mottram, S. (2022) · The Seventeenth Century · doi:10.1080/0268117x.2022.2142656 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
The gendered dimensions of London’s last bubonic plague epidemic 1665–1666
Barnes, K. B. (2022) · Environmental Hazards · doi:10.1080/17477891.2022.2141181 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
“It was in these slums that plague was most severe, whereas wealthier parishes within the walls suffered less so from plague (Bell, 1924; Champion, 1993, 1995; Cummins et al., 2016; Moote & Moote, 2004; Porter, 2012; Slack, 1985).”
BackgroundInfluentialColumbus, A. (2022) · Urban History · doi:10.1017/s096392682200061x · Cited by 2 · see citing works
Didelot, X., & Evans, C. M. (2022) · PLoS ONE · doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0272278 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
“Typically, each plague year followed the same pattern with a wave of burials concentrated in the late summer and autumn as noted in other studies [21].”
BackgroundResultInfluential“The Last Time that We Can Say the Plague Raged”: Historicizing Epidemics
Jones, L. A. (2022) · Centaurus · doi:10.1484/j.cnt.5.129438 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
The Review of Past Pandemics to Predict What to Expect after Covid-19
Peprah, E. O. (2020) · Social behavior research and health · doi:10.18502/sbrh.v4i2.4676 · Cited by 1 · see citing works
“believe makes it the first real pandemic in history (Sang, 2020); the Black death (1347 – 1351), which went through Asia and further through Europe as well with some historians believing it wiped out over half of Europe‟s population (Welford & Bossak, 2010); Cocoliztli epidemic (1545-1548), killed about 15 million peo…”
BackgroundPatterns of smallpox mortality in London, England, over three centuriesPreprint
Krylova, O., & Earn, D. J. D. (2019) · bioRxiv (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory) · doi:10.1101/771220 · Cited by 2 · see citing works
van Besouw, B. (2019) · Utrecht University Repository (Utrecht University) · Cited by 2 · see citing works
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A journal of the plague year: Samuel Pepys and the Bills of Mortality as accounting
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“…1665) London ’ s poor were more likely to live in close proximity to each other, eat less well, suffer from malnutrition and other health issues; they were unlikely to be able to leave London to protect themselves in the countryside or to work in isolation (Cummins et al., 2016; Graunt, 1665).”
Historical and archaeogenomic identification of high-status Englishmen at Jamestown, Virginia
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Life in a Time of Pestilence: The Great Castilian Plague of 1596–1601
Mackay, R. E. (2019) · Cited by 1 · see citing works
The Effects of Cancer in the English Labour Market
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- Authors
- Cummins, N., Kelly, M., & Ó Gráda, C.
- Affiliations
- London School of Economics and Political Science (GB)
- University College Dublin (IE)
- University College Dublin—Economics
- Venue
- The Economic History Review
- Publisher
- Wiley
- Published
- 2015-03-04
- Volume
- 69
- Issue
- 1
- Pages
- 3-34
- ISSN
- 0013-0117 (ISSN-L)
- 1468-0289
- OpenAlex
- W1529931730
- Semantic Scholar
- 95edcc4e17870c7e8aebafe92b9398015ab26e72
- Cited by
- 139
- References
- 72
- Citations by year
- 2026: 2 · 2025: 3 · 2024: 4 · 2023: 8 · 2022: 8 · 2021: 28 · 2020: 14 · 2019: 20 · 2018: 6 · 2017: 7 · 2016: 14 · 2015: 8 · 2014: 4 · 2013: 4 · 2012: 1
- FWCI
- 23.40
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- bronze
- doi.org
- Locations
- The Economic History Review (publishedVersion)
- SSRN Electronic Journal (publishedVersion)
- Warwick Research Archive Portal (University of Warwick) (acceptedVersion)
- RePEc: Research Papers in Economics (submittedVersion)
- London School of Economics and Political Science Theses Online (London School of Economics and Political Science) (submittedVersion)
- Research Repository UCD (University College Dublin) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
- Arrow@dit (Dublin Institute of Technology) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
- Econstor (Econstor) (submittedVersion)
- London School of Economics and Political Science Research Online (London School of Economics and Political Science) (submittedVersion)
- University of Warwick (cc-by)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Economics, Econometrics and Finance › Economics and Econometrics › Historical Economic and Social Studies
- Social Sciences › Demography › Insurance, Mortality, Demography, Risk Management
- Life Sciences › Biochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology › Genetics › Yersinia bacterium, plague, ectoparasites research
- Keywords
- plague, living standards, London, mortality, birth rate, burial, baptism, spatial patterns of mortality, seasonal variation in mortality, natural increase, child survival, urban history, early modern England
About these checks
Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.
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