Cited by 139Historical Economic and Social StudiesInsurance, Mortality, Demography, Risk ManagementYersinia bacterium, plague, ectoparasites research

Living standards and plague in L ondon, 1560–1665

Open access
Cummins, Neil, Kelly, Morgan, Ó Gráda, Cormac·2016·The Economic History Review

Abstract

This article uses individual records of 930,000 burials and 630,000 baptisms to reconstruct the spatial and temporal patterns of birth and death in London from 1560 to 1665, a period dominated by recurrent plague. The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time. Tracking the weekly spread of plague, we find no evidence that plague emerged first in the docks, and in many cases elevated mortality emerges first in the poor northern suburbs. Looking at the seasonal pattern of mortality, we find that the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague continued into the early 1700s. Natural increase improved as smaller crises disappeared after 1590, but fewer than half of those born survived childhood.

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Crossref · 10.1111/ehr.12098

Cites

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Statistics

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Claims the paper makes

0 of 34 cited sources checked · 0 supported · 0 flagged

  • Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    Fewer than half of those born in London survived childhood.

    “Natural increase improved as smaller crises disappeared after 1590, but fewer than half of those born survived childhood.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    Natural increase varied widely across London in the early seventeenth century.

    “we find that natural increase varied widely across the city in the early seventeenth century”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingown data
    § III: Reconstructing deaths

    The study's estimates match the recorded London Bills totals closely.

    “What is most notable about figure 4 is how closely our estimates match the recorded London Bills totals.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    Around half of parishes record that the deceased was the 'son of' or 'daughter of' a householder.

    “around a half of parishes record that the deceased was the 'son of' or 'daughter of' a householder, allowing us to conclude that the death is of a young person.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    In 1563, mortality was fairly equal across parishes within the walls and surrounding extra-mural parishes.

    “In 1563, mortality was fairly equal across parishes within the walls and surrounding extra-mural parishes, but by 1665 mortality in the central intra-mural parishes was considerably lower than elsewhere”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. 17
  • May combine two claims. 54
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Findingreasoning
    § Economic History

    In 1665, several large parishes appear to have given up recording individual burials, although parish clerks must have maintained running totals reported in weekly meetings to compile the London Bills.

    “Similarly, in 1665 we can see how several large parishes appear to have given up recording individual burials, although parish clerks must have maintained running totals that they reported in their weekly meetings to compile the London Bills.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    The impact of plague on wealthier central parishes fell markedly over time: in 1563 they fared worse than the rest of London, but after 1603 their mortality became markedly better than poorer neighbours, and in 1665 their rise in mortality was around half that of the extra-mural parishes.

    “The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time.”
    • Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
      “The major trend apparent in figure 5 is the sharp fall in mortality in the central parishes.In 1563 these fared worse than the rest of London but, after 1603, their experience became markedly better than their poorer neighbours, with a rise in mortality in 1665 around half that of the extra-mural parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 were of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate.

    “The plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 appear of roughly equal magnitude, with deaths running at five to six times their usual rate, but the impact on wealthier central parishes falls markedly through time.”
    • Also stated in: § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues · plain
      “Looking at mortality across the intra-and extra-mural parishes, figure 5 shows that the plagues of 1563, 1603, 1625, and 1665 were of roughly equal deadliness, with deaths running from five to six times their usual level; while the plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § II: The social geography of London

    For 1638, strong spatial autocorrelation is clear with a p-value for the test statistic of 0.00.

    “For 1638, the strong spatial autocorrelation is clear with a p-value for the test statistic of 0.00.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    For 1563, the study's estimates are 21,000 deaths for the intra- and extra-mural parishes and 3,000 for the out-parishes excluding distant parishes.

    “For 1563, Creighton gives Stow's estimates of 20,322 deaths for the intra-and extra-mural parishes, and 3,288 for 11 out-parishes; whereas our estimates are 21,000 for the intra-and extra-mural parishes; and for the out-parishes excluding distant parishes 3,000.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Creighton

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues

    During 1563 several central parishes were among the hardest hit, still the case though less markedly in 1603; by 1665 the most prosperous parishes stood out as an island of low mortality.

    “During 1563 several central parishes were among the hardest hit, and this was still the case, although less markedly, in 1603.By 1665, however, the most prosperous parishes, based on the 1638 proportion of substantial households in figure 3, stand out as an island of low mortality.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History

    Before 1665, most parish totals match the London Bills totals fairly closely, although there are a few cases where the parish record is considerably lower.

    “It can be seen that, before 1665, most parish totals match the London Bills totals fairly closely, although there are a few cases where the parish record is considerably lower.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation
    § II: The social geography of London

    Although central parishes tend to be rich and peripheral ones poor, the spatial distribution of wealth is more diffuse in 1582 than in 1638.

    “It can be seen that although the central parishes tend to be rich and the peripheral ones poor, as Slack argued, the spatial distribution of wealth is more diffuse in 1582 than in 1638.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Slack

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    A late autumn peak in mortality persisted in London after the supposed disappearance of plague: in more affluent central parishes until the early 1700s, and in surrounding extra-mural and out-parishes until the end of the 1720s.

    “Looking at the seasonal pattern of mortality, we find that the characteristic autumn spike associated with plague continued into the early 1700s.”
    • Also stated in: § Living standards and plague in · boosted
      “Instead we find a strong, but gradually diminishing, late autumn peak in the more affluent central parishes until the early 1700s, and in the surrounding extra-mural and out-parishes until the end of the 1720s.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: Rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer.
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    Deaths above the crisis threshold accounted for about one-fifth (18 per cent) of total mortality in 1560-1665, falling to 1.8 per cent after 1665.

    “For the period 1560-1665, we find that deaths above the crisis threshold accounted for about one-fifth of total mortality: large plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of other causes.”
    • Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
      “Between 1560 and 1665, these account for 18 per cent of deaths; and this falls to 1.8 per cent after 1665.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § II: The social geography of London

    The Moran statistic for no spatial autocorrelation has a p-value of 0.07 for 1582, consistent with the distribution of wealth within the walls having low spatial organization.

    “The Moran statistic for no spatial autocorrelation (assigning equal weight to each of a parish's neighbours) has a p-value of 0.07 for 1582, consistent with the distribution of wealth within the walls having low spatial organization.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    The frequency and deadliness of smaller mortality crises fell markedly after 1590.

    “While major plagues recur throughout our period, the frequency and deadliness of smaller crises falls markedly after 1590.”
    • Also stated in: § IV: Mortality crises · plain
      “there is a marked reduction in the number of smaller mortality crises from the 1590s onwards: from 1563 to 1593, there are 10 years when crisis mortality exceeded 10 per cent of deaths, but from 1594 to 1665 there are only five years.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues

    The plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.

    “while the plague of 1593 saw deaths running at 4.6 times normal, and in 1636 deaths were 2.3 times normal.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § V: Child deaths

    The ratio of children's deaths to baptisms remained fairly stable, rising in the 1640s and 1650s as the share of children being baptized fell.

    “in the lower panel we can see that the ratio of children's deaths to baptisms at this time remains fairly stable, rising in the 1640s and 1650s as the share of children being baptized falls”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    The interquartile range of birth to death ratios varied from 1.0-1.3 in affluent intra-mural parishes, 0.8-1.0 in poorer intra-mural parishes, 0.6-0.9 in extra-mural parishes, to 0.4-0.7 in out-parishes.

    “However, this interquartile range varied from between 1.0 and 1.3 in the affluent intra-mural parishes, through a range of 0.8-1.0 in poorer intra-mural parishes and 0.6-0.9 in the extra-mural parishes, to 0.4-0.7 in the out-parishes.54”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [54] 54. Southall, H. R. and Burton, N., 'GIS of the ancient parishes of England and Wales, 1500-1850' (2004), http://discover.ukdataservice.ac.uk/catalogue?sn=4828 (accessed on 19 Dec. 2014). source
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation
    § VII.2: Fall in baptisms in plague years

    Comparing affluent central parishes in 1625 and 1665, there was a constant fall in births despite lower mortality in 1665, indicating population flight.

    “Comparing the affluent central parishes in 1625 and 1665 in figure 14, we can see support for Slack's view, with a constant fall in births despite lower mortality in 1665, indicating population flight.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    The average annual deficit of deaths over births across the 130 parishes was 2,000 in the 1560s, 2,700 in the 1570s, 1,500 in the 1580s, 3,800 in the 1590s, 5,100 in the 1600s, 900 in the 1610s, 6,500 in the 1620s, and 1,900 in the 1630s.

    “we estimate that the average annual deficit of deaths over births was 2,000 in the 1560s, 2,700 in the 1570s, 1,500 in the 1580s, 3,800 in the 1590s, 5,100 in the 1600s, 900 in the 1610s, 6,500 in the 1620s, and 1,900 in the 1630s.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    For London total, the interquartile range of birth to death ratios ran from 0.7 to 0.9; in the median year births were 80 per cent of deaths.

    “Looking at the interquartile range of birth to death ratios, the total for London ran from 0.7 to 0.9: in the median year births were 80 per cent of deaths.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § V: Child deaths

    For the inter-plague period 1605-24, the ratio of child deaths to baptisms was 0.45 in both rich and poor intra-mural parishes, and 0.55 in extra-mural and out-parishes.

    “the ratio of child deaths to baptisms is 0.45 in both rich and poor intra-mural parishes, and 0.55 in extra-mural and out-parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § V: Child deaths

    For the inter-plague period 1565-92, intra-mural parishes recorded a child-death to baptism ratio of 0.45, while extra-mural and out-parishes together had a ratio of 0.67.

    “For the sixteenth century, looking at the inter-plague period 1565-92, intra-mural parishes again record a child-death to baptism ratio of 0.45, but the extra-mural and out-parishes together have a ratio of 0.67.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation
    § VII: Baptisms

    For 1578-82, Creighton's numbers vary between 3,200 and 3,600 and are almost identical to our estimates, except for 1581 where he reports 2,900 while our estimate is 3,700.

    “For 1578-82 Creighton's numbers vary between 3,200 and 3,600 and are almost identical to our estimates, except for 1581 where he reports the implausibly low figure of 2,900 even though deaths are not elevated, while our estimate is 3,700.53”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [53] 53. Slack, P., Poverty and policy in Tudor and Stuart England (Harlow, 1988).
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § IX: Conclusions

    Crisis mortality first emerged in the poor northern suburbs, although this sometimes coincided with its emergence in eastern parishes.

    “Looking at the spatial diffusion of plague, we find a consistent pattern of crisis mortality first emerging in the poor northern suburbs, although this sometimes coincided with its emergence in eastern parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § VII: Baptisms

    The intra-mural parishes were overtaken by the extra-mural ones by the 1570s, and matched by the out-parishes by the early 1600s.

    “with the intra-mural parishes being overtaken by the extra-mural ones by the 1570s, and matched by the out-parishes by the early 1600s.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    The ratio of births to deaths became more favourable in 1600-1639, with a median ratio of 1.1 for wealthier parishes within the walls, 0.9 for poorer intra- and extra-mural parishes, and 0.7 for out-parishes.

    “The ratio of births to deaths becomes more favourable in the second half of the period, from 1600 to 1639, with a median ratio of 1.1 for the wealthier parishes within the walls, 0.9 for the poorer intra-and extra-mural parishes, and 0.7 for the out-parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    In 1613-23, intra-mural parishes showed a summer minimum and winter peak, while extra-mural and out-parishes both showed strong autumn peaks.

    “Looking at the first period, the intra-mural parishes show a summer minimum and winter peak, but the extra-mural and out-parishes both show strong autumn peaks”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § VII: Baptisms

    The growth of Westminster only begins around 1600 and it is still small relative to the other districts by 1640.

    “It can be seen that the growth of Westminster only begins around 1600 and that it is still small relative to the other districts by 1640.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    By 1710-29, the intra-mural area had reached the standard v-shaped mortality profile but the extra-mural and out-parishes continued to show marked autumn peaks.

    “By 1710-29, the intra-mural area has reached the standard v-shaped mortality profile but the extra-mural and out-parishes continue to show marked autumn peaks.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § III: Reconstructing deaths

    Spatially, London mortality rates were bowl-shaped, rising as one moves outwards, and extrapolating these spatial trends to large missing suburbs led to excessive estimates.

    “Spatially, London mortality rates were bowl-shaped, rising as one moves outwards, and extrapolating these spatial trends to large missing suburbs led to excessive estimates.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingnone given
    § V: Child deaths

    Plague mortality usually peaked in the autumn, and this is the pattern seen in London before 1665, even in years with few recorded plague deaths between major epidemics.

    “By contrast, plague mortality usually peaked in the autumn, and this is the pattern we see in London before 1665, even in years with few recorded plague deaths between major epidemics.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data
    § VII: Baptisms

    The rise in London's population was not continuous, with most growth occurring in the 1570s and 1580s, and the number of births appearing static during the 1560s and 1590s.

    “However, our results suggest that this rise was not continuous, with most growth occurring in the 1570s and 1580s, with the number of births appearing static during the 1560s and 1590s.53”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [53] 53. Slack, P., Poverty and policy in Tudor and Stuart England (Harlow, 1988).
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data
    § I: London parish records

    The study has records for 87 intra-mural parishes, although in 10 cases there are fewer than 10 years of observations.

    “We have records for 87 intra-mural parishes, although in 10 cases there are fewer than 10 years of observations.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

    Study design and conductnone given
    § IV: Mortality crises

    Plague deaths suffer from severe under-registration.

    “However, as noted above, plague deaths suffer from severe under-registration.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § II: The social geography of London

    Slack found that the same parishes tended to be among the richest or poorest over two centuries, and concluded that there was a fairly constant social geography of rich central parishes surrounded by a poorer periphery.

    “Slack found that the same parishes tended to be among the richest or poorest over two centuries, and concluded that there was a fairly constant social geography of rich central parishes surrounded by a poorer periphery.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Slack

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data
    § I: London parish records

    By region, the sample parishes account for 66 per cent of 1636 deaths in the intra-mural parishes, 77 per cent in the extra-mural parishes, and 70 per cent in the out-parishes.

    “By region, our parishes account for 66 per cent of 1636 deaths in the intra-mural parishes, 77 per cent in the extra-mural parishes, and 70 per cent in the out-parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductcitation
    § IV: Mortality crises

    The specific surveillance algorithm used is due to Farrington et al., implemented by Höhle.

    “The specific algorithm we use is due to Farrington et al., implemented by Höhle.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Farrington et al.

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Höhle

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Premisecitation
    § II: The social geography of London

    The view that the social geography of London was relatively fixed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is shared by Boulton.

    “This view that the social geography of London was relatively fixed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is shared by Boulton.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Boulton

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § II: The social geography of London

    The affluent were strongly concentrated in a central belt of intra-mural parishes, with prosperity declining as one approached the city wall and river.

    “Finlay's data are reproduced in the second panel of figure 3, which shows how the affluent were strongly concentrated in a central belt of intra-mural parishes, with prosperity declining as one approached the city wall and river.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Finlay

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductreasoning
    § Economic History

    Using downloads of individual records from Ancestry.com creates three sources of potential error: imperfect transcription, failure to download all relevant records, or failure to remove duplicated entries.

    “This creates three sources of potential error: the registers may have been transcribed imperfectly; we may have failed to download all relevant records; or we may have failed to remove all duplicated entries that frequently arise from including bishops' transcripts of the original registers.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data
    § I: London parish records

    The missing parishes are generally smaller, recording fewer than 100 deaths in 1660, and can be fairly reliably interpolated from records of surrounding parishes.

    “However, the missing parishes are generally the smaller ones, recording fewer than 100 deaths in 1660, and we will see below that they can be fairly reliably interpolated from records of surrounding parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues

    Epidemic outbreaks of typhus and plague can be distinguished by the fact that typhus rarely kills children, whereas plague kills both adults and children.

    “Epidemic outbreaks of the two diseases can be distinguished by the fact that typhus rarely kills children, whereas plague kills both adults and children”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Murchison

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning
    § Living standards and plague in

    The spatial cross-section of London mortality is strongly Malthusian, with wealthier households replacing themselves outside plague years while poor districts suffered a marked excess of deaths over births even between major plagues.

    “In other words, the spatial cross-section of London mortality is strongly Malthusian, with wealthier households replacing themselves (outside plague years, to which affluent areas became less vulnerable through time) while poor districts suffered a marked excess of deaths over births even between major plagues.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data
    § Living standards and plague in

    Large plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of causes other than plague.

    “large plague epidemics were devastating but infrequent, and most Londoners died of other causes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductnone given
    § IV: Mortality crises

    The burial register data rarely give cause of death, unlike the London Bills, which list the number of plague deaths by parish.

    “The burial register data rarely give cause of death, unlike the London Bills, which list the number of plague deaths by parish.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductnone given
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    Allowing the Poisson parameter to show a seasonal trend did not change the results in any way.

    “Allowing the Poisson parameter to show a seasonal trend of the sort outlined in section VI did not change the results in any way.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Premisecitation
    § VII.2: Fall in baptisms in plague years

    Slack argues that flight among the affluent increased as the seventeenth century progressed.

    “Slack argues that flight among the affluent increased as the seventeenth century progressed.56”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [56] 56. Sutherland, I., 'When was the Great Plague? Mortality in London, 1563 to 1665', in D. V. Glass and R. Revelle, eds., Population and social change (1972), pp. 287-320.

      Not checked in the free run.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues

    Murchison notes that the symptoms of typhus and plague are almost identical, with the characteristic petechial spots of typhus corresponding to plague tokens, and that swift, agonizing death and swollen lymph glands in typhus are not uncommon.

    “In the standard Victorian reference on typhus, Charles Murchison notes that the symptoms of typhus and plague are almost identical, with the characteristic petechial spots (caused by intradermal bleeding) of typhus (hence its name of spotted or purple fever) corresponding to plague tokens (the 'ring of roses'); while swift, agonizing death and the appearance of swollen lymph glands or buboes in ty”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Murchison

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § VIII: Positive checks

    Kelly and Ó Gráda show that England outside London saw the disappearance of the positive check during the early seventeenth century, while London after 1665 showed a continued strong positive check until the early eighteenth century.

    “Kelly and Ó Gráda show that England, outside London, saw the disappearance of the positive check during the early seventeenth century, while London after 1665 showed a con-”
    • Also stated in: § VIII: Positive checks · boosted
      “tinued strong positive check until the early eighteenth century.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [57] 57. Taddy, M. A., Gramacy, R. B., and Polson, N. G., 'Dynamic trees for learning and design', Journal of the American Statistical Association, 106, 493 (2011), pp. 109-23. source
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)

    Boulton finds a slight increase for craftsmen after 1593 and 1603, but little overall impact on wages.

    “Boulton finds a slight increase for craftsmen after 1593 and 1603; but little overall impact on wages.64”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [64]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductcitation
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    Our estimated deficits match fairly well with those for London provided by Wrigley and Schofield.

    “It is notable that our estimated deficits match fairly well with those for London provided by Wrigley and Schofield.55”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [55] 55. Spence, C., London in the 1690s: a social atlas (2000).

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016) © Economic History Society 2015

    The spatial gradient of replacement ratios across London is markedly Malthusian, with prosperous families usually able to reproduce themselves outside plague years, while households in poorer suburbs usually suffered a sharp excess of deaths over births even in intervals between major plagues.

    “In other words, the spatial gradient of replacement ratios across London is markedly Malthusian, with prosperous families usually able to reproduce themselves, outside plague years (whose impact, as we have seen, fell markedly in wealthier areas), while households in the poorer suburbs usually suffered a sharp excess of deaths over births, even in intervals between major plagues.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation
    § III.1: Relative magnitudes of plagues

    The 1902 Encyclopaedia Britannica notes that in autopsies the appearances resemble those of typhus, except for the special affection of the lymphatic glands.

    “Under 'Plague-Morbid Anatomy', the 1902 Encyclopaedia Britannica notes that in autopsies 'The appearances are those of death from an acute infective disease, and resemble those of typhus, except for the special affection of the lymphatic glands'.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Encyclopaedia Britannica 1902

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductreasoning
    § III: Reconstructing deaths

    Alternative spatial methods produced results close to known totals after 1604 but generated serious overestimates for 1578-1582.

    “When predicting missing values, each produced results close to known totals after 1604, but generated serious overestimates for 1578-1582.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Wood

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Taddy, Gramacy, and Polson

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation
    § Economic History Review, 69, 1 (2016)

    As Graunt noted, births recovered to pre-plague levels within two years.

    “As Graunt noted, births, which serve as a measure of population, recovered to pre-plague levels within two years (see figure 12).65”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [65]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data
    § VII: Baptisms

    Unlike deaths, there is no complete set of parish totals for any year; the London Bills only record aggregates over large groups of parishes.

    “A complication in imputing births is that, unlike deaths, we have no complete set of parish totals for any year: the London Bills only record aggregates over large groups of parishes.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data
    § VIII: Positive checks

    The immediate response of mortality to living standards may reflect a large population surviving close to the edge of biological subsistence, or immigration of the rural poor after bad harvests.

    “This immediate response of mortality to living standards may reflect a large population surviving close to the edge of biological subsistence, or immigration of the rural poor after bad harvests”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § V: Child deaths

    Typhus in England showed little seasonality, with epidemics occurring at any time of the year, with a slight prevalence in colder months.

    “Typhus in England, by contrast, showed little seasonality, with epidemics occurring at any time of the year, with a slight prevalence in colder months.51”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [51] 51. Slack, P., 'The disappearance of the plague: an alternative view', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XXXIV (1981), pp. 469-76. source
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning
    § V: Child deaths

    The benefits of the mortality improvement in the early seventeenth century went disproportionately to adults or children constituted a larger share of the population.

    “This suggests that the benefits of the mortality improvement in the early seventeenth century went disproportionately to adults or that children constituted a larger share of the population.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § V: Child deaths

    For rural England at this time, mortality peaked in March and reached a minimum in July.

    “For rural England at this time, Wrigley and Schofield show that mortality peaked in March and reached a minimum in July.50”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [50] 50. Sharlin, A., 'Natural decrease in early modern cities: a rejoinder', Past and Present, 92 (1981), pp. 175-80. source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductcitation
    § V: Child deaths

    These rates are similar to estimates for four parishes by Finlay.

    “These rates are similar to estimates for four parishes by Finlay.48”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [48] 48. Razzell, P., 'Infant mortality in London, 1538-1850: a methodological study', Local Population Studies, 87 (2011), pp. 45-64. source
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data
    § VII: Baptisms

    Ratios of baptisms to burials are roughly similar in every parish except St James Clerkenwell, where recorded baptisms run consistently around one-third of burials.

    “Another reliability check comes from comparing ratios of baptisms to burials, which are roughly similar in every parish with the exception of St James Clerkenwell, where recorded baptisms run consistently around one-third of burials.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductnone given
    § VII: Baptisms

    The accuracy of baptismal totals can be assessed by comparing them with annual totals recorded by Graunt.

    “However, we can still assess the accuracy of our baptismal totals by comparing them with annual totals recorded by Graunt.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation
    § IX: Conclusions

    Landers and Mouzas note the autumn peak in mortality after 1665, which they attribute to 'convulsions', smallpox, and fever, but they do not note its similarity to earlier intra-plague periods.

    “Landers and Mouzas, 'Burial seasonality', note the autumn peak in mortality after 1665, which they attribute to 'convulsions', smallpox, and fever (p.66), but they do not note its similarity to earlier intra-plague periods.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Landers and Mouzas, 'Burial seasonality'

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data
    § IX: Conclusions

    These may possibly be combined totals for the two plague years of 1592 and 1593, but the correlation with individual parish records in our sample is low.

    “These may possibly be combined totals for the two plague years of 1592 and 1593, but the correlation with individual parish records in our sample is low.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
63 of 63
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    No study of London parish registers in their entirety had been attempted before this study.

    “Several studies have analysed small samples of these records, 10 but no study of them in their entirety has been attempted.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The normal mortality rate in London was around 3.0–3.5 per cent.

    “Assuming a normal mortality rate of around 3.0-3.5 per cent, this implies that one-fifth of the city's population died each time, within the space of a few months.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Before the late nineteenth century it was difficult, even for professional pathologists, to distinguish isolated adult cases of plague from typhus.

    “before the late nineteenth century it was considered difficult, even for professional pathologists, to distinguish isolated adult cases of plague from typhus, which should make us cautious of claims that plague suddenly disappeared from England after 1665.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer.

    “While rural England experienced a v-shaped pattern of seasonal mortality, with deaths peaking near the start of each year and reaching a minimum in early summer, London deaths before 1665 show a strong peak in the late autumn, even in years with few reported plague deaths.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    For parishes where burial registers are unavailable, there is no seasonal trend in mortality, so weekly burials follow a Poisson distribution with parameter equal to annual burials divided by 52.

    “we assume that there is no seasonal trend in mortality, so that if d it burials took place in parish i in year t, weekly burials in that parish follow a Poisson distribution with parameter d it /52.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The annual ratio of child deaths to births approximates the probability of dying during childhood.

    “To a first approximation this annual ratio of child deaths to births gives the probability of dying during childhood.47”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    Missing parishes had the same ratio of baptisms to burials as parishes with surviving records in the same area.

    “we took the ratio of baptisms to burials in parishes with surviving records across each area of the city (intra-mural, extra-mural, outparishes, and Westminster) and assumed that missing parishes had the same ratio.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages.

    “Like Kelly and Ó Gráda, we assume that the death rate is a simple log-linear function of past death rates and real wages:”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    Annual population growth is roughly constant in each regression.

    “We therefore assume in each regression that annual population growth is roughly constant N t = (1 + g)N t-1 .”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, allowing spatial and temporal variations in mortality to be traced.

    “We are agnostic as to the accuracy of the parish registers as records of mortality, taking the view that so long as the proportion of deaths recorded each year in each parish remains fairly constant, we can trace the spatial and temporal variations in mortality that concern us here.”
10 of 10

Self-check

Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.

Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.

  • Child-death discussion points to the seasonality figure

    Minor

    The text directs readers to figure 11 for child deaths relative to baptisms, but figure 11 is identified as a chart of deaths by month.

  • Wage coefficients are incorrectly marked significant at 1%

    Minor

    The wage estimates marked with ** have estimate-to-standard-error ratios of about 1.95, 2.05, and 2.24. None reaches the stated 1% significance threshold.

2 of 2

Cites

Flagged first, then by citations

Research works printed but not linked: 6

  1. Biraben J.‐N., 1975, Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays méditerranéens
  2. Birch T., 1759, A collection of the yearly Bills of Mortality
  3. Creighton C., 1965, A history of epidemics in Britain from AD 664 to the extinction of plague
  4. Kitto J. V., 1937, A register of baptisms, marriages, and burials in the parish of St. Martin in the Fields, in the county of Middlesex
  5. Littledale W. A., 1902, The registers of St Vedast, Foster Lane, 1558 to 1836, and St Michael Le Quern, 1685 to 1836,
  6. Marshall J., 1832, Mortality of the metropolis

Cited by

Sorted by citations

Authors
Cummins, N., Kelly, M., & Ó Gráda, C.
Affiliations
  • London School of Economics and Political Science (GB)
  • University College Dublin (IE)
  • University College Dublin—Economics
Venue
The Economic History Review
Publisher
Wiley
Published
2015-03-04
Volume
69
Issue
1
Pages
3-34
ISSN
  • 0013-0117 (ISSN-L)
  • 1468-0289
OpenAlex
W1529931730
Cited by
139
References
72
Citations by year
2026: 2 · 2025: 3 · 2024: 4 · 2023: 8 · 2022: 8 · 2021: 28 · 2020: 14 · 2019: 20 · 2018: 6 · 2017: 7 · 2016: 14 · 2015: 8 · 2014: 4 · 2013: 4 · 2012: 1
FWCI
23.40
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • The Economic History Review (publishedVersion)
  • SSRN Electronic Journal (publishedVersion)
  • Warwick Research Archive Portal (University of Warwick) (acceptedVersion)
  • RePEc: Research Papers in Economics (submittedVersion)
  • London School of Economics and Political Science Theses Online (London School of Economics and Political Science) (submittedVersion)
  • Research Repository UCD (University College Dublin) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
  • Arrow@dit (Dublin Institute of Technology) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
  • Econstor (Econstor) (submittedVersion)
  • London School of Economics and Political Science Research Online (London School of Economics and Political Science) (submittedVersion)
  • University of Warwick (cc-by)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Economics, Econometrics and Finance › Economics and Econometrics › Historical Economic and Social Studies
  • Social Sciences › Demography › Insurance, Mortality, Demography, Risk Management
  • Life Sciences › Biochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology › Genetics › Yersinia bacterium, plague, ectoparasites research
Keywords
plague, living standards, London, mortality, birth rate, burial, baptism, spatial patterns of mortality, seasonal variation in mortality, natural increase, child survival, urban history, early modern England

About these checks

Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.

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Classified by jev-1.13-20260917 (gold-guideline-v0.2) on 2026-10-11.

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