Legislating Change? Responses to Criminalizing Female Genital Cutting in Senegal
Open accessAbstract
Although the international community has recently promoted legislation as an important reform strategy for ending female genital cutting (FGC), there exist divergent views on its potential effects. Supporters argue that legal prohibition of FGC has a general deterrent effect, while others argue legislation can be perceived as coercive, and derail local efforts to end the practice. This study examines the range of responses observed in rural Senegal, where a 1999 anti-FGC law was imposed on communities in which the practice was being actively contested and targeted for elimination. Drawing on data from a mixed-methods study, we analyze responses in relation to two leading theories on social regulation, the law and economics and law and society paradigms, which make divergent predictions on the interplay between social norms and legal norms. Among supporters of FGC, legal norms ran counter to social norms, and did little to deter the practice, and in some instances incited reactance or drove the practice underground. Conversely, where FGC was being contested, legislation served to strengthen the stance of those contemplating or favoring abandonment. We conclude that legislation can complement other reform strategies by creating an “enabling environment” that supports those who have or wish to abandon FGC.
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Over 40 countries have banned FGM/C by law or constitutional decree.
“Over 40 countries have banned FGM/C by law or constitutional decree.”
From Medicalized Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Contentious Practices and Persistent Debates (2018) · cites this paper as [43]
The Legislative Approaches section says that 24 African nations where FGM/C is practiced had prohibited it by law or constitutional decree, and it mentions restrictions in some Western countries. It does not give a worldwide total or establish the claimed figure of over 40 countries. The indexed passages provide no page number. (LLM, conf=0.86)
Experimental — accuracy not yet measuredIn at least six countries (Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Egypt, Eritrea, Mauritania, and Senegal), the criminal code specifies an elevated penalty for medical personnel who perform FGM/C, in addition to possible license suspension.
“In at least six of these countries (Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Egypt, Eritrea, Mauritania, and Senegal), the criminal code specifies an elevated penalty (prison and/or fine) specifically for medical personnel who perform FGM/C, in addition to the possibility of suspending their licenses [ 43 ].”
From Medicalized Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Contentious Practices and Persistent Debates (2018) · cites this paper as [43]
The Legislative Approaches section lists increased penalties for medical professionals in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Eritrea, and Mauritania; the comparative table also specifies the maximum prison penalty for medical personnel in Senegal. The table describes possible license suspension in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Eritrea. It does not specify an elevated penalty for medical personnel in Egypt or license suspension in Egypt, Mauritania, or Senegal (page numbers unavailable). (LLM, conf=0.90)
Experimental — accuracy not yet measuredWhere statutes pose restrictions based on harm rather than zero tolerance, the legal status of nicking, pricking, piercing, and scraping (type IV) is less clear.
“However, where statutes pose restrictions based on harm, rather than zero tolerance, the legal status of nicking, pricking, piercing, and scraping (type IV) are less clear [ 43 ].”
From Medicalized Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Contentious Practices and Persistent Debates (2018) · cites this paper as [43]
The paper’s comparative-law table (under “Effect of Fear of Prosecution on Stage of Change,” page unavailable) describes statutes framed around harmful practices or injury, and its “Enforceability” section notes a lack of clarity about legal restrictions. It does not address whether nicking, pricking, piercing, or scraping (type IV) are legally covered under harm-based statutes, or make the claimed comparison with zero-tolerance laws. (LLM, conf=0.78)
Experimental — accuracy not yet measuredThe female rites serve counter-patriarchal functions when the women-led ceremonies act as sources of female empowerment, solidarity, and network-building, operating as sites of resistance to male dominance in the public sphere.
“This appears to be the case, for example, when the women-led ceremonies act as sources of female empowerment, solidarity, and network-building, operating as sites of resistance to male dominance in the public sphere [52, 54, 64, 104–106].”
From Reconsidering the role of patriarchy in upholding female genital modifications: analysis of contemporary and pre-industrial societies (2023) · cites this paper as [106]
The “FGM/C in Senegal” section says older women organize the practice and that participation gives young women access to elder women’s social connections and support. It does not describe the ceremonies as sites of resistance to male dominance or establish a counter-patriarchal function; instead, it describes a hierarchy of power among women. Page numbers were not available in our copy. (LLM, conf=0.88)
Experimental — accuracy not yet measuredWhen prohibition is linked to the concept of harm, as stipulated in certain criminal codes, questions arise as to whether restrictions also apply to type IV procedures that do not produce anatomical changes.
“However, when prohibition is linked to the concept of harm, as is stipulated in certain criminal codes [ 43 ], questions arise as to whether restrictions also apply to type IV procedures (nicking, pricking, or scraping of the clitoris or clitoral hood) that do not produce anatomical changes [ 69 ].”
From Medicalized Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Contentious Practices and Persistent Debates (2018) · cites this paper as [43]
This position is endorsed in criminal statutes that restrict not only type III but also types I and II among minors.
“This position is endorsed in criminal statutes that restrict not only type III, but also types I and II among minors.”
From Medicalized Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Contentious Practices and Persistent Debates (2018) · cites this paper as [43]
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“They may also perform the procedure on younger and younger girls, even infants, who may be less likely to remember or report on the practice, but who are also less able to appreciate its cultural meanings [48, 106, 114, 115].”
Background
- Authors
- Shell-Duncan, B., Wander, K., Hernlund, Y., & Moreau, A.
- Affiliations
- University of Washington (US)
- ORCID
- Wander, Katherine
- Venue
- Law & Society Review
- Publisher
- Cambridge University Press (CUP)
- Published
- 2013-12
- Volume
- 47
- Issue
- 4
- Pages
- 803-835
- ISSN
- 0023-9216 (ISSN-L)
- 1540-5893
- PMC
- PMC3997264
- OpenAlex
- W2141814122
- Semantic Scholar
- 09151aeb13aa8525c3f86eae3bf2873c5d49edd8
- Cited by
- 100
- References
- 37
- Citations by year
- 2026: 4 · 2025: 2 · 2024: 4 · 2023: 9 · 2022: 13 · 2021: 5 · 2020: 20 · 2019: 7 · 2018: 9 · 2017: 13 · 2016: 5 · 2015: 8 · 2014: 1
- FWCI
- 4.76
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- bronze
- doi.org
- Licence
- Locations
- Law & Society Review (publishedVersion)
- PubMed (publishedVersion)
- Europe PMC (PubMed Central) (acceptedVersion)
- PubMed Central (acceptedVersion)
- Funders
- National Science Foundation (0313503)
- UNDP/UNFPA/WHO/World Bank Special Programme on Research, Development, and Research Training in Human Reproduction
- Topics
- Health Sciences › Medicine › Public Health, Environmental and Occupational Health › Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting Issues
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Multicultural Socio-Legal Studies
- Social Sciences › Gender Studies › Feminism, Gender, and Sexuality Studies
- Keywords
- female genital mutilation, criminalization, social norms, legal norms, reactance, law and economics, law and society, rural Senegal, gender-based violence, social regulation
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