The Legacy of Ashok Mitra

Probably not a substantial claim.

Mitra came to emphasize the balance of class strengths in society at large in the distribution of income.

“From a general defence, against the early versions of Kalecki's theory, of the role of trade unions in affecting the wage share, Mitra had come to emphasize the balance of class strengths in society at large in the distribution of income.”

• cites Mitra (1977)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The value of capital evaluated at equilibrium prices does not have a monotonic relationship with the rate of profit, which is an essential requirement of the marginal productivity theory.

“any effort at rescuing this theory through any ruse whatsoever flounders irreparably on the ground that the value of capital evaluated at equilibrium prices does not have a monotonic relationship with the rate of profit, which is an essential requirement of this theory.”

• cites Sraffa [1960]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Mitra answered the prime question of why trade unions arouse opposition by rejecting Kalecki's theory and advancing an alternative theory.

“This was the prime question addressed by Mitra in his doctoral dissertation, and he answered it by rejecting Kalecki's theory, and advancing an alternative theory.”

• cites Mitra (1980)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim.

Mitra's Terms of Trade and Class Relations put forward the general proposition that the price charged by sellers of any one major commodity relative to those charged by sellers of others, i.e., their terms of trade, which determined their relative share in output, depended upon their class strength relative to others in society, exercised through the market and through influence over the State.

“The general proposition argued that the price charged by the sellers of any one major commodity relative to those charged by the sellers of others, that is, their terms of trade, which determined their relative share in output, depended upon their class strength relative to others in society, a strength exercised not just through the market but through their influence over the State as well”

• cites Mitra (1977)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

In a world with non-convertible paper money, there is nothing to ensure that a rise in money wages cannot be passed on as an equiproportionate rise in money prices; if the mark-up is fixed, real wages and the share of wages remain unchanged.

“But in a world with non-convertible paper money, as has been the case in recent times, there is nothing to ensure that a rise in money wages cannot be 'passed on' in the form of an equi-proportionate rise in money prices; and, if the 'mark-up' by the oligopolists is fixed, then it would indeed be so 'passed on', so that real wages and the share of wages would remain unchanged.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

For Mitra, class struggle 'in society at large' underlay 'every aspect' of economic life, including the determination of economic variables.

“whence it followed that class struggle 'in society at large' underlay 'every aspect' of economic life, including the determination of economic variables.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Ashok Mitra understood economics and politics as closely and inextricably enmeshed, with politics having a degree of relative autonomy.

“According to him, economics and politics were closely and inextricably enmeshed, with the latter having a degree of relative autonomy”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Both Kalecki and Mitra missed the point that trade union action can raise the wage share at the expense of raw material producers.

“Both Kalecki and Mitra, however, missed this point”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Marx argued that trade unions could raise the entire wage share at the expense of the rate of profit in a world of commodity money.

“that union could indeed raise the entire wage share at the expense of the rate of profit.”

• cites Wages, Prices and ProfitsNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim.

Mitra said the 'degree of monopoly' was an 'intermediate' concept that had to be derived from micro-level firm behaviour rather than merely postulated.

“In fact, the 'degree of monopoly', he said, was an 'intermediate' concept, which instead of being merely postulated had to be derived from micro-level firm behaviour.”

• cites Mitra (1980)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim.

Kalecki proposed that the level of mark-up was influenced by the strength of trade unions, with stronger trade unions tending to keep the mark-up margin more restrained and the share of wages higher than otherwise.

“The solution he proposed to the puzzle within the framework of his own theory was not to invoke micro-economic behaviour, as Mitra had done, but to postulate, in general terms, that the level of mark-up was also influenced by the strength of trade unions, that stronger trade unions tended to keep the mark-up margin more restrained and, hence, the share of wages higher than otherwise.”

• cites Kalecki (1954)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Kalecki's theory held that the share of wages, for any given industrial composition, depended on the degree of monopoly and the ratio of raw material prices to unit wage cost.

“Kalecki had put forward his own theory that the share of wages, for any given industrial composition in an economy, depended upon two factors.”

• Also stated in: § The Share of Wages in National Income · p. 3 · plain

  “One was what he called the 'degree of monopoly' in the economy, which was a weighted average of the 'degree of monopoly' in each industry”

• Also stated in: § The Share of Wages in National Income · p. 3 · plain

  “The second factor affecting the share of wages was the ratio of raw material prices to the unit wage cost.”

• cites Kalecki (1938) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Mitra focused on the distribution of total output and the relative share of different classes in national income, seeing it as determined by relative class power in a struggle over distribution.

“His special focus was on the distribution of total output and on the relative share of the different classes in national income; he saw it as being determined by relative class power in the process of a struggle over distribution.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Mitra's second argument for decentralization invoked diversity: in a large country like India, different political formations may be influential in different regions and need sufficient elbow room to implement their own visions of development.

“The second argument invoked the issue of diversity (Mitra, 1975). In a large country like India, different political formations may be influential in different regions and may even come to local power in such regions. If they are to remain true to their agendas, they need to be given sufficient elbow room to put into practice their own particular visions of development.”

• cites Mitra, 1975Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim.

The current dominance of a political formation that is more benign towards the old social order is not unrelated to the support of the big bourgeoisie it enjoys, as a counterpart of its largesse towards them made possible by centralization of resources.

“However, the current dominance of a political formation that is more benign towards the old social order is itself not unrelated to the support of the big bourgeoisie it enjoys, as a counterpart of its largesse towards them which has become possible owing to the centralization of resources.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

In the current era of globalization, nation states necessarily have to pursue policies conforming to the demands of finance capital, for otherwise there would be financial outflows and financial crises.

“In the current era of globalization when economies are open to more or less free global flows of finance capital, the nation states necessarily have to pursue policies which conform to the demands of finance, for otherwise there would be financial outflows from their shores, precipitating financial crises.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Capitalism survived the post-war conjuncture by making concessions including decolonization, universal adult franchise, Keynesian demand management, and Welfare State measures.

“Capitalism survived that conjuncture by making concessions, the prominent among which were decolonization, the introduction of universal adult franchise at home, Keynesian demand management for attaining near full employment (which had been shunned when it was originally proposed in the 1930s) and Welfare State measures under Social Democracy in Europe.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The squeeze on industrial workers caused a spate of strikes in the early 70s, culminating in a massive Railway Strike.

“and the squeeze on the industrial workers that this entailed caused a spate of strikes in the early 70s, culminating in a massive Railway Strike”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Mitra's specific views on terms of trade capture a certain phase of 'dirigisme' in India.

“Hence, while Mitra's specific views on terms of trade capture a certain phase of 'dirigisme' in India”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Mitra's general proposition about the inseparability of economics from politics that gives the latter a certain relative autonomy has validity for the post-war dirigiste period as a whole in the history of capitalism.

“his general proposition about the inseparability of economics from politics that gives the latter a certain relative autonomy, has validity for the post-war dirigiste period as a whole in the history of capitalism.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Effective income distribution depended not just on shares obtained from the market but also on taxes and transfers, public provisioning of healthcare and other essential services, and other macro-economic policies.

“he noted that the effective income distribution depended not just on the shares obtained from the market, but on a host of additional factors such as taxes and transfers, public provisioning of healthcare and other essential services, and so on.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The rural rich have not lost their position and power within the neo-liberal regime, but their retention of economic strength now derives from diversification into activities other than agriculture proper.

“To be sure, the rural rich have not lost their position and power within the neo-liberal regime; but their retention of economic strength now derives from their diversification into activities other than agriculture proper.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The decline in real wages in the industrial sector caused workers to demand and obtain higher money wages, raising the product wage and squeezing the profit margin and profit rate.

“that had the effect of raising the product wage in that sector, that is, money wages deflated by the price of what they 'produced' (not what they consumed) and, hence, squeezing the profit margin as well as the profit rate.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Artificial excess demand for foodgrains was created through speculation in poor crop years.

“Even though there was no excess demand for foodgrains in the normal sense, artificial excess demand was created through speculation in poor crop years”

The quote only partly states this claim.

The post-war 'dirigisme' was an exceptional period in which capitalism's immanent tendencies were open to state interference.

“The period of post-war 'dirigisme' was such an exceptional period.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The relative position of the rural rich within the ruling class combine has distinctly worsened compared with the corporate financial oligarchy integrated with globalized capital.

“And their relative position within the ruling class combine has distinctly worsened in comparison with the corporate financial oligarchy which is integrated with globalized capital.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Mitra's first argument for decentralization was that the layer of government furthest from direct observation of the people is more likely to divert resources for the big bourgeoisie.

“Mitra actually gave two basic arguments for decentralization: one, the layer of government that is furthest from the direct observation of the people is more likely to divert resources for the big bourgeoisie.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Under neo-liberalism, the agricultural sector scarcely remains profitable and peasant indebtedness has skyrocketed.

“Indeed the sector scarcely remains profitable any longer and peasant indebtedness has skyrocketed.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Mitra wanted greater devolution of resources and responsibilities from the central government to state governments and local self-government institutions (panchayats).

“He wanted much greater devolution of resources and responsibilities from the central government to the state governments and further down to the local self-government institutions, the 'panchayats'.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

In the post-war dirigiste period, the working class got concessions through political intervention because politics had some autonomous role.

“It was in this period that the working class got concessions through its political intervention, because politics did have some autonomous role to play.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The strikes and loss of popularity were mainly responsible for the government declaring an Emergency in 1975.

“and an immense loss of popularity for the government, which was mainly responsible for its declaring an Emergency in 1975.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The terms of trade shift squeezed the real wage but raised the product wage of industrial workers, and the consequent squeeze of the profit rate led to an atrophy of the industrial sector.

“Put differently, the terms of trade shift squeezed the real wage but raised the product wage of the industrial workers; and the consequent squeeze of the profit rate led to an atrophy of the industrial sector.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

The announced procurement prices acted as a floor for free market prices, so the government could turn the terms of trade between agriculture and industry in favour of agriculture through announcing suitably high procurement prices.

“The announced procurement prices acted as a floor for the free market prices, so that the government in effect could turn the terms of trade between agriculture and industry in favour of the former through announcing suitably high procurement prices.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The procurement arrangement and jacking up of procurement prices made speculation a 'one-way bet' where speculators could never lose.

“The entire arrangement, of procurement at fixed prices, and a jacking up over time of these procurement prices, had the effect making speculation into a 'one-way bet' where the speculators could never lose.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Mitra's first argument held that when people can directly observe government activities, they are likely to exercise greater vigilance and force it to spend on their well-being.

“When the people can directly observe what is happening, they are likely to exercise greater vigilance on the activities of the government and force it to spend on their well-being.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Recent developments in India have witnessed a remarkable increase in centralization of powers and resources, combined with unprecedented largesse towards the big bourgeoisie and an escalation of atrocities against marginalized groups.

“which has witnessed a remarkable increase in the centralization of powers and resources, combined with unprecedented largesse towards the big bourgeoisie (of which the recent Rafale deal involving the purchase of fighter aircraft from France is alleged to be a glaring example), and an escalation of atrocities against marginalized groups.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Mitra saw decentralization as part of strengthening the democratic roots of the polity and moving towards greater economic egalitarianism.

“He saw decentralization as part of the process of strengthening the democratic roots of the polity and moving towards greater economic egalitarianism.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

State intervention in India occurred not in favour of the industrial sector but in favour of the agricultural sector to benefit the rural rich.

“And such state intervention, he argued, occurred not in favour of the industrial sector, as one might have normally expected, but in favour of the agricultural sector to benefit the rural rich.”

• cites Mitra (1977)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The appeasing of the rural rich brought both hardships to the working people and a stagnation of the economy.

“The appeasing of the rural rich, in short, brought both hardships to the working people and a stagnation of the economy.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

When the whole range of macro-economic policies impinging on income distribution is taken into account, the balance of class strengths emerges as an even more powerful explanatory factor.

“When we take this whole range of macro-economic policies which impinge on income distribution into account, then clearly the balance of class strengths emerges as an even more powerful explanatory factor.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

The fact that the terms of trade could be fixed by state intervention independent of demand and supply suggested that there was never an enduring situation of excess demand for agricultural goods, i.e., the growth rate of the economy was not agriculture constrained.

“The fact that the terms of trade could be fixed by state intervention, and, hence, through the exertion of political pressure on the State, independent of demand and supply, suggested that there was never an enduring situation of excess demand for agricultural goods; that is, that the growth rate of the economy as a whole was not agriculture constrained”