New Information on the Degree of “Sinicization” of the Tuyuhun Clan during Tang Times through Their Marriage Alliances: A Case Study Based on the Epitaphs of Two Chinese Princesses

Probably not a substantial claim.

In the passages describing Tuyuhun marriage alliances, the term heqin does not appear at all.

“In the text passages describing the marriage alliances concluded with Tuyuhun rulers, the term does not appear at all.24”

• cites Bei shi 96.3186-87Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Sui shu .1844Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Xin Tang shu 221A.6226-27Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The entries for these princesses usually provide no more information than the date of marriage and the name of the husband.

“However, the entries for these princesses usually provide no more information than the date of marriage and the name of the husband.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

In the Eastern Wei period, Kualü offered his cousin to Emperor Xiaojing and received Princess Guangle as a wife around 540.

“In this setting, the Eastern Wei conducted two marriages with the Tuyuhun: Kualü offered his cousin to the Eastern Wei emperor Xiaojing 孝靜 (r.534-550) and received Princess Guangle from the Eastern Wei as a wife around 540.48”

• cites [48]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The language of Honghua's inscription is refined and poetic, and it contains set expressions typical of epitaphs.

“The language of the inscription is very refined and poetic.Several set expressions appear that are typically used in epitaphs, which demonstrates that this inscription was in accordance with the current Chinese style and norms of epitaphs.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Yao Gui is named as the author of Honghua's epitaph and came from a well-known family.

“The name of its author is given as Yao Gui, and we know that he came from a well-known family.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Honghua's epitaph text is filled with references to Chinese classics, history, and poetry.

“the text itself, which is filled with references to the Chinese classics, history, and poetry.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Princess Honghua died on the third day of the fifth month of the first year of the Shengli era, in her private rooms in Lingzhou, after an illness, at age 76.

“On the third day of the fifth month of the first year of the Shengli era, 113 the princess passed away in her private rooms in the eastern part of the palace in Lingzhou.114 She had been in bed due to an illness for some time and died at the age of 76.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Yao Gui was awarded the title 'Presented Scholar'.

“From the inscription, we learn that he was awarded the title of”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Princess Honghua's epitaph is longer than epitaphs for other princesses.

“Moreover, her epitaph is relatively long when compared to epitaphs for other princesses, which would have meant that the cost of commissioning the text was higher.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

In some cases, imperial princesses were given to members of the Murong Tuyuhun family; in others, marriages were made with influential Tang clans such as Wu Zetian's Wu clan.

“In some cases, these were marriages on the highest level, i.e. when imperial princesses were given to a member of the Murong Tuyuhun family; in other cases, marriages were concluded with other influential Tang clans, such as the Wu 武 clan of Wu Zetian 武則天 (r.690-705).”

• cites Du Linyuan 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Yu 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

All eleven epitaphs in the group show awareness of the relevance of epitaphs to Chinese funerary practices and familiarity with Chinese culture.

“All of the eleven epitaphs demonstrate a certain awareness of the relevance of epitaphs to Chinese funerary practices and a familiarity with Chinese culture.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Five Chinese princesses were given to the Tuyuhun: Princess Guangle (around 540), Princess Guanghua (596), Princess Honghua (640), District Princess Jincheng (around 652), and District Princess Jinming (date unclear, probably between 652 and 659).

“A close look at marriage alliances with Chinese dynasties throughout the history of the Tuyuhun state shows that five Chinese princesses were given to the Tuyuhun: Princess Guangle (around 540), Princess Guanghua (596), Princess Honghua (640), District Princess Jincheng (around 652), and District Princess Jinming (date unclear, probably between 652 and 659).”

It may state two separate claims as one.

No epitaph has been found for District Princess Jinming, so information about her comes only from transmitted texts.

“No epitaph has been found for her and we can only rely on the records from transmitted texts.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Jincheng's inscription puts great importance on kinship and descent, illustrating her blood relations to the Tang ruling house.

“The inscription puts great importance on the kinship of the district princess and goes back several generations illustrating her descent and her blood relations to the Tang ruling house.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The verbs qi and chu jiang mean 'to be married off' and always involve a female being given as wife; they do not mean engage or promise.

“It is fairly clear that they actually mean”

It may state two separate claims as one.

No other marriage alliance between the Tang imperial family and the Tuyuhun is recorded after this incident, which is generally seen as the end of the Tuyuhun state, but descendants of Nuohebo and Princess Honghua continued to conclude marriages with Chinese clans.

“No other marriage alliance between the Tang imperial family and the Tuyuhun is recorded after this incident, which is generally seen as the end of the Tuyuhun state, but, as discussed above, the descendants of Nuohebo and Princess Honghua continued to conclude marriages with Chinese clans.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng's epitaph contains confusion about the year of marriage, the identity of her husband, and her age.

“In the epitaph there is some confusion about the year of marriage of Princess Jincheng, the identity of her husband, and her age at the time.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The language and style of Jincheng's inscription adheres to typical conventions of epitaphs.

“Moreover, the language and style of the inscription adheres to the typical conventions of epitaphs; for example the last sentence reads:”

It may state two separate claims as one. The quote only partly states this claim.

The year of the marriage between District Princess Jinming and Talu Momo is unclear, but it occurred after the death of Sudu Momo, the firstborn son of Nuohebo and Princess Honghua.

“The year of their marriage is unclear”

• Also stated in: § 4.3.3 District Princess Jinming · plain

  “Momo, had died.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Jincheng's inscription most likely dates to 719, the year of her burial.

“The inscription most likely dates to 719, the year when the burial of District Princess Jincheng took place.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng's epitaph style is more neutral than Honghua's but still corroborates strong adherence to Chinese norms.

“Even though the style of writing is much more neutral than that of the epitaph for Princess Honghua, the text still corroborates the strong adherence to Chinese norms.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

According to the inscription, Jincheng married in 652, but the next sentence says she was 22, contradicting that.

“According to the inscription, she was married in 652.The next sentence already contradicts this information by saying that Jincheng was 22 years old at that time.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Comparing the epitaphs written for Princess Honghua and District Princess Jincheng reveals a clear difference in length, content, and style.

“If we compare the epitaphs written for Princess Honghua and District Princess Jincheng, we can discern a clear difference in length, content, and style.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The epitaphs show that Nuohebo and his descendants actively participated in marital politics with the Tang, not only with the imperial family but, after the demise of their state, also with other influential clans, such as the Wu clan.

“We learn from the epitaphs that Nuohebo and his descendants actively participated in maritial politics with the Tang, not only with the imperial family but, after the demise of their state, also with other influential clans, such as the Wu clan.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

For Princesses Guangle and Guanghua, the circumstances and places of their deaths are unknown, and no tomb for them has been found.

“As for the princesses Guangle and Guanghua, we do not know the circumstances and places of their deaths.No tomb for them has been found.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The epitaphs found in Wuwei show that the majority of the male descendants of Nuohebo and Princess Honghua had Chinese wives, a factor which increasingly reduced the amount of Murong blood in their veins.

“The epitaphs found in Wuwei also show that the majority of the male descendants of Nuohebo and Princess Honghua had Chinese wives, 177 a factor which increasingly reduced the amount of Murong blood in their veins.”

• cites Yu 2013, 97Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

There are clear signs of marriages between members of the family loyal to Tibet and the Tibetan ruling house.

“As mentioned in section 4.3, there are clear signs of marriages between members of the family loyal to Tibet and the Tibetan ruling house.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The Tuyuhun became increasingly important in commercial, cultural, and religious exchange between Central Asia, Tarim Basin oasis states, Mongolian steppes, and Chinese dynasties.

“The Tuyuhun were therefore becoming increasingly important in the commercial, cultural, and religious exchange between Central Asia, the oasis states in the Tarim Basin, the Mongolian steppes, and the various Chinese dynasties.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The measures of the original heqin with the Xiongnu are not necessarily applicable to other marriage alliances; marital politics was probably more flexible depending on political circumstances.

“This observation indicates that the measures described in the original heqin policy with respect to the Xiongnu are not necessarily applicable to other marriage alliances and that in reality marital politics was probably more flexible, depending on the political circumstances at hand.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Murong Tuyuhun and his descendants were of Murong ethnic origin.

“Murong Tuyuhun 慕容吐谷渾 (245-317), the founding figure of the Tuyuhun kingdom, and his descendants were of Murong 慕容foot_0 ethnic origin.”

• cites foot_0Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The term 'Tuyuhun' was used over the centuries for many different referents: originally a person, later the clan name of the ruling house under Sheyan, the name of the state, and later the people living in the state.

“Originally the name of a person, it was later used as the clan name of the ruling house by Tuyuhun's grandson Sheyan 葉延 (r.329-351), as well as the designation for the newlyfounded Tuyuhun state.”

• cites [8]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Nomadic powers also intermarried with each other, so the diplomatic aspect of marital politics was probably at least as important for them as material gain.

“Moreover, the nomadic powers -to use Jagchid and van Simons' term -also intermarried with each other.Thus, the diplomatic aspect of marital politics was probably at least as important for these states as the material gain.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Nomadic powers also intermarried with each other.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun controlled parts of the trade routes linking China to Central Asia and beyond, which gave them a key role in trade, cultural exchange, and the spread of religious ideas.

“The Tuyuhun controlled parts of the trade routes that connected China to Central Asia and beyond, which allowed them to play a key role in the trade between various states as well as in their cultural exchange and the spread of religious ideas.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Tang dynasty sources show that a princess's title could be modified with various prefixes according to her constructed degree of kinship to the emperor and her family's status.

“Sources dating to the Tang dynasty show that the title of a princess could be modified with a variety of prefixes in accordance with her (sometimes constructed) degree of kinship to the emperor and the overall status of her family.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Later marriage alliances did not necessarily include all elements of the original heqin, and regular Chinese payments were not common.

“Records of later cases indicate that the concluded alliances did not necessarily entail all the abovementioned elements.Regular Chinese payments for instance do not seem to have been common in later marriage alliances.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The Tuyuhun elite were followers of Buddhism according to transmitted texts.

“it is attested in transmitted texts that the Tuyuhun elite were followers of Buddhism.14”

• cites [14]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Tuyuhun state comprised various languages, cultural backgrounds, and ethnic groups.

“The Tuyuhun state clearly comprised various languages, cultural backgrounds and ethnic groups.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun state reached its peak in the first half of the 7th century and was an important player in the power struggle between Tang, Tibet, and the Turks despite lacking their military strength.

“Their state reached its peak in the first half of the 7th century when, even though they lacked the militarily strength of Tibet or the Turks, they were an important player in the power struggle between these powers and the Tang 唐 (618-907) dynasty.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Apart from the Murong, the Qiang and Di also lived in the new Tuyuhun realm.

“Apart from the Murong people, the Qiang 羌 and Di 氐, 5 also lived in this new realm.”

• cites [5]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The Xianbei/Tuyuhun language is thought today to have been a form of Para-Mongolic, a sister node of Mongolic in the reconstructed ancestral Xianbei-Mongolic language tree.

“Today it is thought that the Xianbei/Tuyuhun language was some form of Para-Mongolic, to be understood as a sister node of Mongolic in the reconstructed ancestral Xianbei-Mongolic language tree.7”

• cites [7]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

A branch of trade routes known as the Henan route ran through Tuyuhun territory.

“A branch of these routes, known as the Henan 河南 route, ran through Tuyuhun territory (for a map of the trade routes around Lake Qinghai, see ill. 1).”

• cites [15]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

By the Tang dynasty, the ranks of princess titles and the size of their enfeoffments were clearly defined.

“By the time of the Tang dynasty, the ranks of the different princess titles and the size of their enfeoffments were already defined quite clearly: 35”

• cites [35]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

A more pragmatic approach to marriage alliances existed than the idealized heqin system suggests, and many different parties participated in this strategy.

“A more pragmatic approach to marriage alliances existed than what the idealized system of heqin leads us to believe, and many different parties participated in this strategy.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Marital politics was one of several diplomatic tools, alongside tribute, gift exchange, envoys, hostages, and bestowal of titles.

“Marital politics was part of an array of diplomatic tools, which also included tributes, the exchange of gifts, envoys, hostages, and the bestowal of titles.20”

• cites [20]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Even though a foreign power usually received dowry and wedding gifts, it often also presented gifts when requesting a princess and regularly paid tribute after the marriage.

“Even though the foreign power did indeed usually receive a dowry and wedding gifts, it often also presented a considerable amount of gifts when asking for a princess and regularly paid tribute after the marriage was concluded.29”

• cites [29]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Political and ideological considerations played an important role in the Chinese strategy of marriage alliances, and such marriages often brought wealth and prestige.

“We cannot deny that political and ideological considerations played an important role in the Chinese strategy of marriage alliances and that there was often a considerable amount of wealth and prestige to be gained from such marriages.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Murong Tuyuhun and his followers migrated west and arrived around Lake Qinghai in the early fourth century, settled there, and slowly subjugated local tribes.

“Murong Tuyuhun and his followers had migrated westwards and arrived in the area around Lake Qinghai 青海 4 in the early fourth century.They settled there and slowly subjugated the local tribes under Murong Tuyuhun's rule.”

• cites [4]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The alliance between the Tuyuhun and Eastern Wei may have been a reaction to the dismissal and forced suicide of Empress Yifu.

“Thus, the alliance between the Tuyuhun and the Eastern Wei may have been a reaction to the dismissal and forced suicide of Empress Yifu.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Princess Yicheng later urged her husband to protect Sui imperial family members and wage war on the Tang.

“As a former subject of the Sui, she would urge her husband to protect members of the Sui imperial family and wage war against the Tang.”

• cites Pan 1997a, 112Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Jiu Tang shu 194A.5159Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Holmgren reports that Sui rule lasted almost 37 years and saw six marriage alliances, about one every six years.

“Holmgren observes that during the almost 37 years of Sui rule, six marriage alliances were conducted, i.e. an average of one marriage every six years.”

• cites Holmgren 1990, 36 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim.

In 540, the former empress Yifu was forced to commit suicide.

“In 540, the former empress, Yifu, was forced to commit suicide.51”

• cites [51]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The practice of investing unrelated women or girls with princess titles probably began with the first heqin marriage between a Chinese royal daughter and the Xiongnu leader Modun in 198 BC.

“The investment of unrelated women or girls with princess titles probably had its beginnings in the first heqin marriage between a Chinese daughter of the royal house and the Xiongnu leader Modun in 198 BC.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

During the Tang dynasty, the Tuyuhun occupied a key position between Tang China and the growing Tibetan state.

“During the Tang dynasty, the Tuyuhun grew to fill a key position at the juncture between Tang China and the increasingly powerful Tibetan state.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The rules described in the Tang huiyao were formulated during the Tang dynasty and do not apply to earlier cases of princess title investments.

“We should also bear in mind that rules described in the Tang huiyao were formulated during the Tang dynasty and do not apply to earlier cases of investments of princess titles.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Tang and Tibet repeatedly tried to win the Tuyuhun over, splitting the Tuyuhun elite into pro-Tang and pro-Tibet factions.

“Both repeatedly tried to win the Tuyuhun over to their side, which split the Tuyuhun elite in pro-Tang and pro-Tibet factions.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tang later maintained the same principle of not accepting foreign women into the imperial harem and using Chinese princesses in marriage alliances.

“The Tang dynasty would later continue to hold on to this principle.”

• cites Pan 1997a, 124Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Even though Lou Jing's plan did not manifest as he imagined, it illustrates Chinese expectations for heqin and their close connection to kinship propriety.

“Even though Lou Jing's plan did not manifest itself in the way he had imagined, it illustrates the expectations the Chinese had for the heqin policy and how closely these were connected to kinship propriety.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The marriage alliance proposed by Lou Jing is generally regarded as the beginning of the implementation of heqin policy by Chinese rulers, aimed at establishing peaceful relations through kinship.

“The marriage alliance proposed by Lou Jing is generally regarded as the beginning of the implementation of heqin policy by Chinese rulers, with the aim of establishing peaceful relations through kinship.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tang dynasty sent at least 20 princesses abroad in marriage alliances, averaging one every 14.5 years.

“By comparison, the Tang dynasty, which sent the most princesses in absolute numbers (at least 20), forged on average one marriage alliance every 14.5 years.”

• cites Holmgren 1990, 36 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

After Songtsen Gampo threatened further attacks unless his son received a Chinese wife, Taizong agreed and sent Princess Wencheng to Tibet in 641.

“Afterwards, he sent envoys to the Tang court again, with the message that he would repeat the attacks if his son were not given a Chinese wife.Taizong agreed, and in 641, Princess Wencheng 文成 was sent to Tibet.”

• cites Pan 1997a, 113-114Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Jagchid and van Simons 1989, 155Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Xin Tang shu 216A.6073-6074Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Bei shi records that Empress Yifu was a descendant of a Tuyuhun leader, though the ancestor's name is not mentioned.

“The Bei shi records that Empress Yifu did not come from just any Tuyuhun family but was the descendant of a Tuyuhun leader.50 The name of this ancestor is, however, not mentioned.”

• cites [50]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Kinship was already a key element in the diplomatic value of marriage alliances before the term heqin was coined at the Han court, and it remained important for later marriage alliances.

“Still, it remains to be said that, although this was the first case in which such a policy was termed heqin, kinship was already a key element in the diplomatic value of marriage alliances before the term heqin was coined at the Han court, as Selbitschka 42 has shown convincingly in his analysis, and it remained important for later marriage alliances.”

• cites Selbitschka 2015Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Because it lay between Tang and Tibet, the Tuyuhun played an important role in their power struggle.

“Due to its position sandwiched between the two large empires, the Tuyuhun state played an important role in the power struggle between Tang and Tibet.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

According to Chinese kinship propriety, Modun, by marrying a Chinese princess, would become Emperor Gaozu's son-in-law and therefore subordinate to the Han ruler.

“According to the Chinese understanding of kinship propriety, Modun, by marrying a Chinese princess, would become Emperor Gaozu's son-in-law and therefore be subordinate to the Han ruler.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

For a time, the Western Wei had an empress of Tuyuhun origin, Empress Yifu, whose ancestors had submitted to the Western Wei.

“It might not be entirely insignifi-cant that for a while the Western Wei had an empress of Tuyuhun origin, Empress Yifu 乙弗, whose ancestors had previously submitted to the Western Wei dynasty.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

When the Western Wei and Rouran arranged a marriage alliance, the Rouran leader Anagui demanded that the Tuyuhun empress be dismissed and his daughter made empress.

“When the Western Wei and the Rouran decided upon a marriage alliance, the Rouran leader Anagui 阿那瓌 (r.520-552) demanded that the Tuyuhun empress be dismissed and that his daughter be made empress.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Du Linyuan argues that the Tang wanted to use Tuyuhun lands as a buffer against Tibet and tried to avoid direct confrontation with Tibetan troops.

“Du Linyuan points out that the Tang wanted to use the Tuyuhun lands as a buffer in their conflict against Tibet and tried to avoid a direct confrontation with the Tibetan troops.”

• cites Du Linyuan 2002, 78Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The Tuyuhun were often in conflict with their neighbor, the Western Wei.

“The Tuyuhun were often in conflict with their neighbor, the Western Wei.49”

• cites [49]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Emperor Wen agreed to an Eastern Turk qaghan's marriage request; Princess Anyi was married in 597, making the Eastern Turks Sui allies who could provide military aid.

“Princess Anyi 安義 was married off in 597, whereby the Eastern Turks became allies of Sui and thus provided them with military assistance as needed.”

• cites Pan 1997a, 110Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Sui shu 84.1872-1873Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim.

For the heqin strategy to work, it was paramount that the woman be at least nominally a princess.

“In order for this strategy to work, it was paramount that the woman be (at least nominally) a princess.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

If the foreign party discovered that the bride was not an imperial daughter and had no actual relevance to the Chinese court, it might not have felt obliged to respect her or adhere to the alliance.

“If it became apparent to the foreign party that the bride was not an imperial daughter and of no actual relevance to the Chinese court, they might not have felt obliged to accord respect to the Chinese bride, or to adhere to the alliance.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Emperor Wen probably sought friendly relations with the Western Turks' opponents, especially the Eastern Turks.

“Emperor Wen probably wanted to maintain amicable diplomatic relations with their opponents, mainly the Eastern Turks.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Sui court arranged few princess marriages abroad in absolute terms, yet its short existence made its alliance activity comparatively high.

“During the Sui dynasty, the absolute number of princesses married to foreign leaders was relatively small, but considering the short lifespan of the dynasty, the Sui court was still rather active in forging marriage alliances.”

• cites Holmgren 1990, 36 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

A possible son from this marriage and future Xiongnu ruler was expected to pay respect to his grandfather, the Han emperor.

“Moreover, a possible son from this marriage and future ruler of the Xiongnu was expected to pay respect to his grandfather, the Han emperor.40”

• cites [40]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Eastern Turk qaghan's Tuyuhun wife indicates that the Eastern Turks and Tuyuhun had earlier formed a marriage alliance and were likely both rivals of the Western Turks.

“The fact that their qaghan had a Tuyuhun wife 58 shows that the Eastern Turks and the Tuyuhun had previously forged a marriage alliance and were probably both rivals of the Western Turks.”

• cites Pan 1997a, 111Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Sui shu 83.1844-1845Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Other parties quickly realized that these women or girls were often not princesses by blood but only by title.

“However, the other parties certainly realized quickly that these women or girls were often not princesses by blood but only by title.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The Han shu records that Lou Jing first suggested sending Emperor Gaozu's real daughter to the Xiongnu, but the empress objected, so a commoner's daughter was given the princess title and sent instead.

“In the Han shu, it is recorded that the advisor Lou Jing 婁敬 first suggested sending the real daughter of Emperor Gaozu to the Xiongnu.But the empress objected to abandoning their daughter.It was decided to take a daughter of a commoner, to give her the title of princess, and to send her instead.37”

• cites Han shu 43.2122Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

When Nuohebo came to court the next year, an imperial family daughter received the title Princess Honghua and was given to him as a wife.

“family received the title of”

• cites Xin Tang shu 221A.6226Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198.5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Nuohebo learned of the plot, fled to Shanshan, defeated the minister with loyal subjects, and informed the Tang emperor, who sent an official to pacify the situation.

“Nuohebo learnt of this plot and fled to Shanshan 鄯善.70 Nuohebo and some of his loyal subjects defeated the minister and then informed the Tang emperor, who sent an official to pacify the situation.”

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198.5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Tan 1982b, 9Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The relative length of Honghua's epitaph implies that commissioning it cost more.

“Moreover, her epitaph is relatively long when compared to epitaphs for other princesses, which would have meant that the cost of commissioning the text was higher.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

After Wu Zetian became empress in 690, Princess Honghua was invested with the highest princess title, Grand Elder Princess Xiping of the Great Zhou Dynasty.

“After Wu Zetian became empress in 690, Princess Honghua was invested with the highest princess title,”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The Xin Tang shu says Nuohebo went to court to thank Taizong for military support and to ask for a marriage alliance, bringing ten thousand horses, oxen, and sheep as a gift.

“The entry in the Xin Tang shu 80 tells us that Nuohebo went to the court to thank Emperor Taizong for military support he had previously received and to ask for a marriage alliance.He also brought ten thousand horses, oxen, and sheep as a gift.”

• cites Xin Tang shu 221A.6226Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Yao Gui's title reflects high literary ability.

“Presented Scholar”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Nuohebo and several thousand tents of followers fled to Liangzhou and stayed loyal to Tang, while some Tuyuhun subjects remained and pledged allegiance to Tibet.

“Nuohebo and his followers, amounting to several thousand tents, fled to Liangzhou 涼州 73 and remained loyal to the Tang court, while some Tuyuhun subjects stayed behind and pledged allegiance to Tibet.”

• cites Skaff 2012, 281Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The marriage alliance between the Tang court and Murong Nuohebo is recorded in the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu.

“The marriage alliance between the Tang court and Murong Nuohebo is mentioned in the Jiu Tang shu and the Xin Tang shu.”

• cites Xin Tang shu 221A.6226Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198.5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

When skirmishes arose between the Tuyuhun and Tibet in 663, both asked Gaozong for assistance, and he denied it to both.

“When skirmishes arose between the Tuyuhun and Tibet in 663, both asked for assistance, and he denied it to both parties.”

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198.5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Although Nuohebo kept his position through Tang military support, disagreement among the Tuyuhun elite persisted.

“Although Nuohebo had managed to keep his position as ruler thanks to the military support from Tang, disagreement among the Tuyuhun elite remained.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Nuohebo and his followers were allowed to migrate into Tang territories in 672, and he died in 688.

“In 672, Nuohebo and his followers were allowed to migrate to Tang territories.He passed away in 688.”

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198, 5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The body of the epitaph has 25 columns with 24 characters each, totaling 600 characters, and dates to 699 during Empress Wu's reign.

“The body of the epitaph consists of an inscription containing 25 columns with 24 characters per column, which makes a total of 600 characters.It dates to 699, during the reign of Empress Wu.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The epitaph presents Honghua as from Chengji in Longxi and as a daughter of Taizong, but this information is doubtful and possibly forged to make her imperial lineage more believable.

“The princess was a person from Chengji in [the district of] Longxi.91 She was thus a daughter of the Sacred Emperor Wenwu, Taizong of the Great Tang [dynasty].92”

• Also stated in: § 4.3.1 Princess Honghua · hedged

  “It is therefore possible that this information was”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Many epitaphs were written to record and often embellish a person's virtues and deeds, so they were not always exactly truthful.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Nuohebo's loyalty seems to have mattered to Taizong: after Taizong died, images of Nuohebo and other foreign leaders were carved in stone and placed in his tomb.

“The Tuyuhun and Nuohebo's loyalty seem to have been of importance to Taizong: When Taizong died, images of Nuohebo and other leaders of foreign states were carved into stone and placed in his tomb.”

• cites Jiu Tang shu 198.5300Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Nuohebo was also presented with various valuable gifts.

“Nuohebo was moreover presented with various valuable gifts.”

• cites Xin Tang shu 221A.6226Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Princess Honghua was born in 622, perhaps as a daughter of Li Daoming, king of Huaiyang.

“She was born in 622, perhaps as a daughter of Li Daoming 李道明, the king of Huaiyang 淮陽.”

• cites Li Zhanzhong 2003, 40Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The epitaph alludes to Jin Midi, who did not enter Han service voluntarily but served loyally and became an important official.

“The epitaph alludes here to the fact that Jin Midi did not enter service to the Han out of his own free will but because his family members were taken as servants when their area was surrendered to the Han forces.Nevertheless, he still served loyally and became an important official at the Han court.”

• cites Han shu 68.2959-2969Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The dragon sword in the epitaph probably symbolizes Princess Honghua reuniting with her husband Nuohebo, who had already died.

“The dragon sword mentioned here probably symbolizes Princess Honghua reuniting with the other sword, her husband Nuohebo, who already had passed away at that time.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Murong Xianbei language was probably part of a sister branch of the Mongolic languages, so a suffix -tu may have existed and Qindou Kehan can be translated as 'Wise Qaghan'.

“As discussed in section 2, the language of the Murong Xianbei was probably part of a sister branch of the Mongolic languages; it is therefore quite possible that a suffix -tu with a similar meaning existed in the Murong Xianbei language and that Qindou Kehan can be translated as”

• cites Pulleyblank 1962, 257-258Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Pelliot 1920, 330 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Hambis 1946, 1Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun elite split into two factions, one around Nuohebo and Princess Honghua and the other probably around Nuohebo's uncle Zunwang, who had a Tibetan wife, Princess Tribang.

“The internal differences in allegiance manifested themselves in two groups, one faction forming around Nuohebo and his Chinese wife, Princess Honghua, 66 and the other one probably around his uncle, the second son of the former ruler Fuyun, Zunwang 尊王, who had a Tibet-”

• cites Lin 2011, 249Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Yamaguchi 1983, 671-676Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The epitaph consists of text on the lid and bottom of the tombstone.

“The epitaph consists of text on the lid and the bottom of the tombstone.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

This observation contradicts the image of the uncultured rough barbarian and questions the relevance of ethnic categorization in marriage alliances during Tang.

“This observation contradicts the image of the uncultured and rough barbarian and leads us to question the relevance of ethnic categorization in the discussion of marriage alliances during Tang.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The examination of the two princesses' epitaphs and other family members shows that Nuohebo remained loyal to Tang until his death and that his descendants continued for several decades.

“The examination of the epitaphs of the two Chinese princesses in the following section and in a wider context of the other family members of the ruling clan, will reveal that Nuohebo remained loyal to Tang until his death, and his descendants continued to do so for several decades.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: No thorough study of Princess Honghua's epitaph or tomb exists to date.

It may state two separate claims as one.

This minister opposed an alliance with Tang China and tried to sabotage it.

“It is apparent that this minister opposed an alliance with Tang China and tried to sabotage it.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Honghua's inscription conformed to the Chinese style and norms of epitaphs current at the time.

“The language of the inscription is very refined and poetic.Several set expressions appear that are typically used in epitaphs, which demonstrates that this inscription was in accordance with the current Chinese style and norms of epitaphs.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Honghua's family members were willing to spend a considerable sum to commission the epitaph from Yao Gui.

“Princess Honghua's family-members would have been most certainly willing to spend a considerable sum of money on commissioning the epitaph from this well-read author.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Nuohebo received no Tang military support to retake his territories; his own troops were crushed by Tibetan forces in 670.

“In the end, Nuohebo did not receive military support from Tang China to retake his territories.He did send his own troops in 670, but they suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Tibetan forces.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Princess Honghua was the first of three Tang princesses married to a Tuyuhun leader.

“Princess Honghua was the first of three Tang princesses to be married to a Tuyuhun leader.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

She was married to Murong Nuohebo in 640, at age 18.

“She was given in marriage to Murong Nuohebo in 640, at the age of 18.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The epitaph contains several Chinese character variants, some introduced by Empress Wu to emulate archaic forms, and others classifiable as demotic.

“We can discern several variations of Chinese characters, some of which were introduced by Empress Wu with the goal of emulating archaic forms of characters. 86Other character variants found in Honghua's epitaph may be classified as demotic (suzi 俗字).”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The lid bears the title in three columns of three characters written in seal script.

“The lid bears the title of the inscription, which is arranged in three columns of three characters and written in seal script.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Qidou was the youngest son of Emperor Guang and brother of Li Hu.

“The chapter”

• cites Xin Tang shu 70A.1957-1958Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Honghua and Nuohebo came to court shortly after Gaozong ascended and asked for a wife for their eldest son Sudu Momo; Jincheng was given to him, with no date specified.

“As mentioned in the beginning of this section, Princess Honghua and Nuohebo came to the court shortly after Gaozong had ascended the throne.160 They asked for a wife for their eldest son, Sudu Momo (generally thought to be the same person as Murong Zhong, who is named as her husband in the epitaph); District Princess Jincheng was given to him as a wife, but there is no specification on the date of”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Xin Tang shu mentions Honghua asked for another marriage after Sudu Momo died; District Princess Jinming was given to her second son.

“Following this line of inquiry, the Xin Tang shu mentions that Princess Honghua asked for another marriage some time after her oldest son Sudu Momo had died.District Princess Jinming was then given as a bride to Honghua's second son.”

• cites Xin Tang shuNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The authors may not put it forward as true. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Some scholars think Sudu Momo and Murong Zhong were the same person, with Sudu Momo his Tuyuhun name and Zhong his Chinese name.

“Some scholars, such as Xia Nai,165 think that Sudu Momo (mentioned as her husband in the Xin Tang shu) and Murong Zhong (given as the name of her husband in the epitaph) were one and the same person.In this case, Sudu Momo would have been his name in the language spoken by the Tuyuhun ruling family, whereas Zhong would have been his Chinese name.”

• cites Xia 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng was from a relatively high-status family, but her kinship line was already somewhat removed from the ruling family.

“She was therefore a daughter from a family with relatively high status, but her line of kinship was already somewhat removed from the ruling family.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Tibet probably also concluded marriage alliances with members of the Tuyuhun elite.

“As mentioned above, Tibet probably also concluded marriage alliances with members of the Tuyuhun elite.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

It is possible Jincheng was given as bride at age ten to Sudu Momo, and after his death she may have remarried to Murong Zhong in 664 when she was 22.

“It seems possible that Princess Jincheng was given away as a bride at the age of ten to Sudu Momo.When he passed away, Princess Honghua asked for a wife for her second son, Talu Momo, who was married to District Princess Jinming (see section below).Perhaps District Princess Jincheng was remarried at the same time, this time to one of the younger sons, Murong Zhong.This marriage would then have”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Xia Nai believes Murong Zhong and Jincheng were only promised to each other in 652 because of her young age.

“Because of Jincheng's young age, he believes that Murong Zhong and Princess Jincheng were only promised to each other in 652.”

• cites Xia 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tang court did not want to offend Nuohebo and Honghua by giving a low-status wife, but the marriage alliance was not important enough to choose a bride from a closer imperial branch.

“It seems that the Tang court did not want to offend the loyal Tuyuhun ruler Nuohebo and Princess Honghua, who both probably understood the Tang usage of marriage alliances quite well, by giving them a wife of low status.But at the same time, it seems that the marriage alliance was not important enough to choose a bride from a closer branch of the imperial clan.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng's grandfather King Wen of Kaihua was great-uncle of Gaozu, and her father King Dao'en was his second cousin.

“Jincheng's grandfather, King Wen of Kaihua, was the great-uncle of Gaozu 高祖 (r.618-626), the founding emperor of the Tang dynasty, and her father, King Dao'en of Guiji, was his second cousin.”

• cites Xin Tang shuNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Xuan Jiangong was posthumously invested as Emperor Xuan in 674.

“According to the Xin Tang shu, 152 Xuan Jiangong 宣簡公, who was also an ancestor in the sixth generation of Emperor Gaozong, was posthumously invested as Emperor Xuan 宣 in 674.”

• cites Xin Tang shuNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Emperor Taizong had sympathies for steppe culture and may have been fluent in Turkic; perhaps he valued marriage alliances more than Gaozong and granted higher-rank princesses.

“It is well known that Emperor Taizong had sympathies for the so-called steppe culture and may have even been fluent in the Turkic language;foot_36 perhaps he valued the marriage alliances with the other states more highly than Emperor Gaozong and granted them princesses of higher rank.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

According to Lin, the Tibetan attacks on the Tuyuhun started in 659 and lasted until 666.

“According to Lin, the attacks started in 659 and lasted until 666.175”

• cites Lin 2011, 229Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Without additional information, one would assume the wedding took place in the same year, but the epitaph's statement that she was 22 means we should not jump to that conclusion.

“Without the additional information given in the epitaph, any reader would assume that the wedding took place in the same year, but since we are told in the epitaph that she was 22 years old at the time of her marriage, we should not jump to this conclusion too quickly.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Xia Nai states that Jincheng's inscription can complement historical sources but some parts are flawed.

“Xia Nai states that even though the information in this inscription can be used to complement historical sources, some parts of the text appear to be flawed.”

• cites Xia 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Strict ethnic labels do not accurately reflect the period's reality; pragmatic and political considerations were more important for marital politics.

“It seems that strict labels of ethnicity do not accurately reflect the reality of the period and that pragmatic and political considerations were more important for marital politics.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The ancestors named in the seventh and sixth generations were probably the same person.

“Xia points out that a close examination of the transmitted historical texts reveals that those named as Jincheng's ancestors in the seventh and sixth generation were probably the same person.”

• cites Xia 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Honghua supported using marriage to forge closer Tuyuhun-Tang relations and wished for Chinese princesses for her sons.

“Apparently, she supported the use of marriage with the goal of forging closer relations between Tuyuhun and Tang, and therefore wished for Chinese princesses for her own sons.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

King Yi, Gaozong's fifth-generation ancestor and son of Emperor Xuan, posthumously received the title Emperor Guang; his wife became Empress Guang Yi.

“The text reveals that King Yi 懿, Gaozong's ancestor in the fifth generation and son of Emperor Xuan, posthumously received the title of Emperor Guang 光, and his wife was made Empress Guang Yi 光懿.”

• cites Xin Tang shuNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

If her age at death is correct, Jincheng was born in 642 and was only 10 at investiture and perhaps wedding.

“If we accept as correct her age at the time of her death as given in the inscription, we can deduce that she was born in the year 642.Therefore, she would have been only 10 years old at the time of her investiture as District Princess and, perhaps, her wedding.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: The age at death given in Jincheng's epitaph is correct.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Tibet attacked the Tuyuhun and destroyed their troops; Nuohebo could not resist and fled with Princess Honghua and his followers, after which Tibet possessed Nuohebo's lands.

“Tibet then attacked the Tuyuhun and destroyed their troops.Nuohebo was not able to resist this attack and had to flee with Princess Honghua and his followers.173 From this point on, Tibet was in possession of Nuohebo's lands.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

If Murong Zhong was Honghua's firstborn, she could not have gone back to court to ask for a wife for her second son; therefore Sudu Momo cannot be the same person as Murong Zhong.

“If Murong Zhong was her firstborn son, it would have been impossible for her to go back to the court and ask for a wife for her second son.Sudu Momo can therefore not be the same person as Murong Zhong.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Qidou's name seems unusual for a Chinese name and possibly was a Xianbei-language name written in Chinese script.

“The name Qidou appears to be his personal name, but it seems rather unusual for a Chinese name.It seems possible that this was in fact a Xianbei-language name that was written in Chinese script.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Honghua had more than two sons, as Wanshu is identified as her fifth son; Du's theory should be considered.

“However, in the epitaph for Princess Honghua, we find the name”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The emperor's different approach to foreign relations and personal attitude toward Xianbei and Turkic powers might have been a factor in the decision.

“Moreover, the respective emperor's different approach to foreign relations and personal attitude towards powers of Xianbei and Turkic origin might also have been a factor in this decision.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun had already lost influence, so the princess given was lower rank than the one previously sent.

“The Tuyuhun had, at that time, already lost some influence on the political stage, and the princess given to them was consequently of lower rank than the one previously sent to the Tuyuhun.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Xia assumes the marriage took place in 664 when Jincheng and Murong Zhong were 22 and 16.

“Xia assumes that the marriage itself took place 12 years later in 664, when Jincheng and Murong Zhong were 22 and 16 years old respectively.”

• cites Xia 2002Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

An expedition to retake the original Tuyuhun lands was discussed at the Tang court in 669, but Gaozong decided against it because of a poor harvest and famine in the previous year.

“An expedition to retake the original Tuyuhun lands was discussed at the Tang court in 669, but Gaozong decided against it because of a poor harvest and famine in the previous year.174”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun were no longer of importance to the Tang court, probably because they were too weak to be of use to them.

“This information leads to the conclusion that the Tuyuhun were no longer of importance to the Tang court, probably because they were too weak to be of use to them.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Princess Honghua went to Chang'an with her second son Talu Momo to request a marriage for him, and he received District Princess Jinming as a wife.

“Princess Honghua then went to Chang'an with her second son, Talu Momo, to request a marriage for him, where he received District Princess Jinming as a wife.”

• cites Xin Tang shuNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng's inscription fits observations on Honghua's epitaph; it is in accordance with Chinese funerary practice and shows strong adherence to typical Chinese epitaph style.

“Overall, this inscription fits the observations we have made on Princess Honghua's epitaph very well.Again, the epitaph is in accordance with Chinese funerary practice and shows a strong adherence to the style of writing typical of Chinese epitaphs.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Jincheng's ancestors' fiefdoms gradually became more distant from the political center, possibly mirroring the family's decreasing importance.

“If we look at her ancestors' fiefdoms, it becomes apparent that they gradually became more distant from the political center of power.This development may also mirror the gradual decrease in importance of this family.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

These events exemplify the political relevance of marriage alliances and their possible consequences.

“These events exemplify the political relevance of marriage alliances and their possible consequences.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The marriage alliance between Jincheng and Nuohebo's eldest son seems to have been decided in 652, but the exact marriage date is uncertain.

“This marriage alliance seems to have been decided upon in 652; the exact date of marriage is, however, not certain.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Songtsen Gampo, ruler of the Tibetan Kingdom, was quite unhappy about the renewed marriage alliance between the Tang and the Tuyuhun, which implied a possible joint attack on Tibet, and he subsequently started a war against the Tuyuhun; the strategic importance of Tuyuhun territories was probably another reason for the Tibetan invasion.

“It seems that Songtsen Gampo, the ruler of the Tibetan Kingdom, was quite unhappy about the renewed marriage alliance between the Tang and the Tuyuhun, which also implied a possible joint attack on Tibet, since he subsequently started a war against the Tuyuhun, though the strategic importance of the Tuyuhun territories was probably another reason for the Tibetan invasion of the Tuyuhun.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Other researchers point out inconsistencies in dates in historical sources and epitaphs.

“Other researchers, such as Molè, 166 point out inconsistencies in the dates given in the historical sources, in addition to those in the epitaphs.”

• cites Molè 1970Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Princess Honghua had earlier suggested a marriage between her firstborn son Sudu Momo and a Tang princess, and she again asked for a Chinese princess, possibly to keep Tang influence strong within the divided Tuyuhun elite.

“After she had already suggested a marriage between her firstborn son Sudu Momo and a Tang princess some years earlier, she again asked for a Chinese princess, possibly with the goal in mind to keep Tang influence strong within the divided Tuyuhun elite.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

After the marriage of District Princess Jinming, a conflict broke out between the Tuyuhun and Tibet; both sides wrote to the Tang court blaming each other and asking for military assistance, and the emperor refused both requests.

“After this event, a conflict broke out between the Tuyuhun and Tibet.Both wrote to the Tang court, blaming the other side for acts of aggression and asking for military assistance.The emperor refused both requests.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

A division according to ethnic categories, such as Han and non-Han, does not do justice to the complicated ethnic and cultural situation of the region.

“A division according to ethnic categories, such as Han and non-Han, does not do justice to the complicated ethnic and cultural situation of the region of the world that we call -for want of a better term -China.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The population of the Tuyuhun state was not ethnically homogenous from the very beginning.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Ethnic identity was a fluid concept in the time and region under discussion.

It may state two separate claims as one.

This adherence should be read as a sign of their political significance and not as an indication of an on-going Sinicization process among the Tuyuhun population as a whole.

“This should be read as a sign of their political significance and not be identified as an indication of an on-going Sinicization process among the Tuyuhun population as a whole.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

The difference between a Tuyuhun-looking name and a Chinese-looking name should be understood in light of the media in which the names are found: a dynastic history might use foreign names to underline otherness, while an epitaph in the Chinese funerary tradition would naturally use Chinese names.

“The first is mentioned in a dynastic history, which might have used foreign names on purpose to underline their otherness.The second is found in an epitaph, a highly stylized form of text which belonged to the Chinese funerary tradition, a context in which it would seem only natural to use the Chinese names.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

This family repeatedly intermarried with women of Han-Chinese descent, which means that after three generations they would already have been only 25% Murong or Tuyuhun in origin, if one chooses to use this approach.

“This family repeatedly intermarried with women of Han-Chinese descent, which means that after three generations, they would already have been only 25% Murong or Tuyuhun in origin, if one chooses to use this approach.178”

It may state two separate claims as one.

These observations show a decline in status from Princess Honghua to District Princess Jincheng and finally District Princess Jinming, who did not even receive an epitaph, assuming one will not be found in the future.

“These observations clearly show a decline in status from Princess Honghuafoot_44 to District Princess Jincheng and finally District Princess Jinming, who did not even receive an epitaph, assuming one will not be found in the future.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: No future epitaph for District Princess Jinming will be found.

It may state two separate claims as one.

These marriages all took place at the height of Tuyuhun power, spanning a little over a century, and were strongly influenced by the position of the Tuyuhun kingdom and the political situation at the time.

“These marriages all took place at the height of Tuyuhun power, spanning a little over a century, and were strongly influenced by the position of the Tuyuhun kingdom and the political situation at the time.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The marriages should be understood as pragmatic reactions to circumstances, not as adherence to a heqin system of foreign policy.

“They should be understood as pragmatic reactions to the circumstances at hand, and not as adherence to a”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Tuyuhun kingdom was important in securing access to the Western Regions and served as a buffer between the Tang and the growing Tibetan Kingdom.

“Not only were they important in securing access to the Western Regions, but their kingdom also served as a buffer between the Tang and the Tibetan Kingdom, which was growing stronger.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Tang loyalists surrounding Nuohebo fled to Liangzhou, present-day Wuwei, where the tombs of his family members were found.

“The Tang loyalists surrounding Nuohebo fled to Liangzhou, present-day Wuwei, where the tombs of his family members were found.”