Mid-Tang Scholar-Officials as Local Patrons of Buddhist Monasteries

May combine two claims.

In 823 Fei Guanqing was summoned to court as Right Reminder but refused the appointment and remained a recluse on Mount Jiuhua.

“In 823, Fei Guanqing was summoned to court to take up an appointment as Right Reminder in the Chancellery, you shiyi 右拾 遺, but he rejected this invitation and remained as a recluse on Mount Jiuhua.”

• cites [11]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Fei's record states that Huacheng Monastery was established specifically for the Korean monk Kim Chijiang (Jin Dizang), a Silla royal who became a Buddhist, crossed the sea, settled on Mount Jiuhua, and practiced meditation in isolation.

“In Jiuhua shan Huachengsi ji, Fei Guanqing states that the Huacheng Monastery was established specifically for a Korean monk named Kim Chijiang (Chinese: Jin Dizang 金地藏; ?-794)12 who was born into a royal family in the Kingdom of Silla (Xinluo 新羅)13 but renounced the material world and became a Buddhist follower.He crossed the sea by boat and settled on Mount Jiuhua, where he lived in isolation,”

• cites [12]Not matched

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• cites [13]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Fei records that many of Dizang's followers from Silla crossed the sea to find him after hearing that he was residing on Mount Jiuhua.

“Finally, Fei Guanqing declares that many of Dizang's followers from his homeland (Silla), having heard that he was now residing on Mount Jiuhua, crossed the sea to find him (benguo wenzhi, xiangyu duhai, qi tu shi zong 本國聞之，相與渡海，其徒實眾).”

• cites [23]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Fei Guanqing was a scholar-official from Qingyang in Anhui who passed the jinshi examination in 807 and then retreated to Mount Jiuhua to mourn his mother.

“A native of Qingyang 青陽 in Anhui, he is said to have passed the imperial jinshi 進士 examination in the second year of the Yuanhe 元和 era (807), and soon afterwards retreated to Mount Jiuhua while mourning the death of his mother.”

• cites [7]Not matched

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• cites [8]Not matched

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• cites [9]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

According to Fei, Dizang died in 794, and three years later his undecayed body was enshrined in a stūpa at Huacheng Monastery.

“According to Fei Guanqing, Master Dizang died in 794, and three years later his undecayed body was enshrined in a stūpa at the Huancheng Monastery.”

• cites [24]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

According to Fei, local monks and people erected a monastery for Dizang at the end of the Kaiyuan era, and Prefect Zhang Yan officially designated it Huacheng at the beginning of the Jianzhong era.

“At the end of the Kaiyuan era, a group of local monks ascended the mountain, saw Dizang living in austerity, and encouraged him to move to a monastery.They then joined forces with the local people to erect one for him.According to Fei Guanqing, at the beginning of the Jianzhong 建中 era (780-783), the Prefect of Chizhou, Zhang Yan 張嚴 (?-?),14 who had great respect for Master Dizang, officially”

• cites [14]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The Qianlong Chizhoufu zhi attributes Huacheng Monastery's founding to the Indian monk Beidu and dates it to 397-401, conflicting with Fei's account.

“However, the local gazetteer of Chizhou Prefecture, Qianlong Chizhoufu zhi 乾隆池州府志, Gazetteer of Chizhou Prefecture of the Qianlong [Era], ascribes the monastery's founding to the legendary Indian monk Beidu 杯渡 (d.426/7), and dates it to the fifth year of the Longan 隆安 era (397-401) during the Eastern Jin 東晉 Dynasty (317-420).”

• cites [6]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

All five monasteries in the Wenyuan yinghua had been high-status institutions in their religious communities before they declined or were destroyed.

“All five of the monasteries that feature in the WYYH had been high-status institutions within their respective religious communities before falling into decline or suffering destruction.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Like Bai Juyi, Liu Yuxi embeds a monologue at the end of his text, but here it is local people praising the governor and suggesting that the event be recorded.

“In much the same manner as Bai Juyi in his record of the reconstruction of the Xiangshan Monastery, Liu Yuxi embeds a monologue at the end of his text.However, in this instance, it is not a representative of the monastic clergy who is quoted but rather the local people, who praise their governor for his reconstruction of the monastery and suggest that this memorable event should be recorded.”

May combine two claims.

Emperor Wenzong issued anti-Buddhist decrees that prohibited ordinations, subjected clergy to state examinations, and forbade the construction of new monasteries.

“Thereafter, the Emperor promulgated a series of anti-Buddhist decrees that prohibited ordinations, subjected members of the clergy to state examinations, and forbade the construction of new monasteries.”

• cites [56]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Tianran visited Xiangshan Monastery around the middle of the Yuanhe era and became a spiritual friend of Funiu.

“According to SGSZ, Tianran visited the Xiangshan Monastery in Longmen around the middle of the Yuanhe 元和 era (806-820), whereupon he became a spiritual friend of Funiu (yu funiu chanshi wei wuwai zhi jiao 與伏牛禪師 爲物外之交).”

• cites [32]Not matched

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Three years later Emperor Wenzong appointed Duan Wenchang as Xichuan jiedushi and entrusted him with protecting the borders and restoring order in the region.

“Three years later, the Emperor Wenzong 文宗 (r.827-840) appointed Duan Wenchang 段文昌 (773-835) Xichuan jiedushi 西川節度使, Military Governor of Xichuan Circuit,54 and entrusted him with protecting the borders and restoring social order in the region.”

• cites [54]Not matched

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• cites [55]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Liu Yuxi stresses that the reconstruction was an urgent responsibility of the newly appointed governor and praises Duan Wenchang for donating thirty thousand cash from private funds to launch the fundraising appeal.

“Later, Liu Yuxi stresses that the reconstruction of this monastery was an urgent responsibility of the newly appointed governor.He praises Duan Wenchang for taking a personal interest in the project and donating a cash sum of thirty thousand from his private funds to launch the fundraising appeal (wu min qian sanshi wan wei jingying zhi ji 吾緡錢三十萬為經營之基).”

• cites [60]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Daoxuan and Sengxiang refer to Fucheng Monastery as the residence of the eminent monks Daoji, Daoji, and Daohui.

“Daoxuan 道宣 (596-667) and Sengxiang 僧祥 (?-?) both refer to this monastery as the residence of the eminent monks Daoji 道積 (556-627), who expounded the Nirvāṇa Sūtra, Daoji 道基 (?-637), a member of a Shelun 攝論 group49 in Xichuan, and Daohui 道慧 (?-?), a specialist in the Lotus Sūtra.”

• cites [50]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The Xiangshan Monastery's origins can be traced to the Northern Wei Dynasty.

“The origins of the Xiangshan Monastery can be traced back to the Northern Wei 北魏 Dynasty (386-534).”

• cites [26]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Xiangshan Monastery is associated with Divākara, and Fazang states that Divākara was buried on the southern slope of Longmen Hill after dying in 688.

“In addition to Huike, the monastery is associated with the renowned Indian monk and translator Divākara 地婆訶羅 (614-688).29In the Huayanjing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記, Biographies of the Propagators of the Flower Ornament Sūtra, Fazang 法藏 (643-712) asserts that when Divākara died in 688, he was buried on the southern slope of Longmen Hill.”

• cites [29]Not matched

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• cites [30]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Multiple Buddhist texts demonstrate that a monastery called Fucheng existed and prospered at the beginning of the Tang, yet it is absent from Song-era sources.

“However, while several Buddhist texts prove that an institution with that name flourished at the start of the Tang era, there is no trace of it in Song sources.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The absence of a monastery from later textual sources indicates its actual decline or disappearance.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Chen Zhensun claims that Xiangshan Monastery was founded in 516-518.

“In Baiwengong nianpu 白文公年譜, A Biography of Duke Baiwen, Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1179-1262) claims that the institution was founded in the first year of the Xiping 熙平 era (516-518).”

• cites [27]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The Bian zheng lun, compiled by Falin in 626, attributes the foundation of Fucheng Monastery to the imperial concubine of the Sui Prince of Shu, Yang Xiu, a member of the Zhangsun family.

“The Bian zheng lun 辯正論, Treatise on Determining the Truth, compiled by Falin 法琳 (572-640) in 626, attributes the foundation of the Fucheng Monastery to the imperial concubine of the Prince of Shu of the Sui 隋 (581-619) Dynasty, Yang Xiu 楊秀 (d.618), a member of the Zhangsun 長孫 family (Sui Shu Wang Xiu fei Zhangsunshi zao Fuchengsi 隋蜀王秀妃長孫氏 造福 成寺).”

• cites [48]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In the opening of his record, Liu Yuxi emphasizes Fucheng Monastery's importance as an integral part of Chengdu's city architecture.

“In the opening lines of his record, Liu Yuxi emphasizes the monastery's importance as an integral part of the city's architecture.”

• cites [59]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Bai Juyi oversaw the reconstruction of Xiangshan Monastery in 832 and commemorated it in a record.

“The renowned poet and scholar-official Bai Juyi (772-846) oversaw the reconstruction of the Xiangshan Monastery in 832 and commemorated this project in a record entitled Xiu Xiangshansi ji 修香山寺記, Record of the Reconstruction of the Xiangshan Monastery.”

• cites [33]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Yuan Zhen also sided with Duan Wenchang's faction during the 821 examination scandal.

“The aforementioned Yuan Zhen (see Section III) had also sided with Duan Wenchang's faction at this time.”

• cites [57]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Bai's record includes a dialogue with the monk Qingxian that amplifies the Buddhist dimension, in which Qingxian speaks of merit and karmic retribution and says Yuan Zhen will receive posthumous benefits from the reconstruction.

“He even includes a dialogue between himself and a member of the monastery, a master named Qingxian 清閑 (?-?),44 which amplifies the Buddhist dimension of the discourse.Qingxian speaks about the Buddhist truths of merit and karmic retribution, and insists that Yuan Zhen will reap posthumous benefits from Bai Juyi's reconstruction of the monastery:”

• cites [44]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

According to Bai's record, Xiangshan Monastery was still functioning when reconstruction began but had been in disrepair for many years.

“According to this text, the monastery was still functioning when the reconstruction commenced, but it had been in a state of disrepair for many years (Xiangshan zhi huai jiu yi 香山之壞久矣).”

• cites [33]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Bai Juyi reached his peak political influence as Imperial Censor to the Left from 808 to 810, then suffered demotions, culminating in suspension from the central bureaucracy in 824 and transfer to Luoyang as a branch official, where he adopted a semi-reclusive life.

“Bai Juyi reached the apogee of his political influence when he served as yishi zuo 遺拾左, Imperial Censor to the Left, from 808 to 810, during the reign of the Emperor Xianzong 憲宗 (r.805-820).Thereafter, though, his harsh criticism of the court's bureaucrats resulted in a series of punitive demotions, culminating in his suspension from the central bureaucracy in Chang'an in 824 and transfer to Luoy”

• cites [35]Not matched

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• cites [36]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Bai's first text on Xiangshan was his 832 reconstruction record; eight years later he rebuilt the sūtra storage hall and deposited his writings there, commemorating these events in two more records.

“The first of these was his record of the reconstruction of the monastery, which he composed in 832.Eight years later, he reconstructed the monastery's sūtra storage facility and deposited his own collection of his writings there later that year.He commemorated these events in two more records, entitled Xiangshansi xinxiu jingzangtang ji 香山寺新 修經藏堂記, Record of the Reconstruction of the Hall for Sū”

• cites [39]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Bai's reconstruction record says he was motivated by Yuan Zhen's death; Yuan's family asked Bai to write the epitaph and offered payment, which Bai donated to the reconstruction.

“In his record of the reconstruction of the monastery, Bai Juyi explains that he was motivated to launch the project by the death of Yuan Zhen 元 稹 (779-831).”

• Also stated in: § III. The Xiangshan Monastery in Luoyang, Henan · plain

  “when Yuan Zhen died, his family asked Bai Juyi to compose his beloved friend's epitaph, for which they offered a generous remuneration.43Bai Juyi donated the contribution he received to the reconstruction project.”

• cites [42]Not matched

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• cites [43]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Fei stressed that all sectors of Anhui's local population helped fund Huacheng Monastery and that Prefect Zhang Yan gave full regional government support.

“As we have seen, Fei Guanqing was careful to stress that all sectors of the local population of Anhui helped to fund the establishment of the Huacheng Monastery, and that the enterprise received the full support of the regional government in the person of the Prefect of Chizhou, Zhang Yan.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

According to Liu's record, Fucheng Monastery burned down when Nanzhao sacked Chengdu in 829.

“According to this record, the monastery burnt down when the Kingdom of Nanzhao 南詔52 sacked the city of Yicheng 益城 (Chengdu) in 829.”

• cites [53]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Jieye was an active monastery and study center for over a century before the events in Shen Yazhi's record, but after that it vanishes from Buddhist sources.

“We know that Jieye was an active monastery and study center for more than a century before the events described in Shen Yazhi's record, but thereafter it disappears from the Buddhist sources.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The absence of a monastery from later textual sources indicates its actual decline or disappearance.

May combine two claims.

Although Liu Zongyuan stayed closely tied to Han Yu and the guwen movement, his collected writings contain many stūpa inscriptions, prefaces, and records that show extensive ties to Buddhist monks.

“However, while Liu Zongyuan remained closely associated with Han Yu and the other members of the guwen movement, his corpus of texts includes many stūpa inscriptions, prefaces, and records that reveal equally extensive connections with Buddhist clergy.”

May combine two claims.

All the records examined can be dated between 813 and 835, placing them under the reigns of only two emperors, Xianzong and Wenzong.

“All of the records discussed here can be dated to 813-835, so they fall under the reigns of just two emperors: Xianzong (r.805-820) and Wenzong (r.827-840).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The placement of a detailed reconstruction description within Dizang's biography suggests that Fei intended his record to serve both as an encomium for the monastery and as a biography of the monk.

“A detailed description of the reconstruction of the monastery is embedded within Fei Guanqing's account of Dizang.This suggests that the author intended his record to be as much an encomium for the institution as a biography (zhuan 傳) of the monk.”

May combine two claims.

The inclusion of these records in the Wenyuan yinghua shows close aristocratic involvement with Buddhism and a change in the status of regional Buddhist monasteries in the early ninth century.

“The inclusion of such records in the WYYH obviously attests to the aristocracy's close involvement with Buddhism and to the changing status of regional Buddhist monasteries in the early ninth century.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Temporary provincial and military appointments, the collapse of central government after An Lushan's rebellion, factional purges and demotions, and continuous warfare caused an unprecedented dispersal of elites throughout the empire.

“The long-standing system of temporary provincial and military appointments, the collapse of central government in the wake of the rebellion led by General An Lushan 安祿山 (703-757) in 755, purges and demotions due to the rapid rise and fall of rival political factions, and unceasing warfare all contributed to this unprecedented dispersal and circulation of the elite throughout the empire.”

May combine two claims.

No other extant references to the monastery's establishment at that time exist, and Fei's account implies that no fifth-century building remained on Mount Jiuhua by the Tang.

“There are no other extant references to the monastery's establishment at this time, but we may deduce from Fei Guanqing's account that no fifth-century building was still standing on Mount Jiuhua by the Tang era.”

May combine two claims.

Displaced scholar-officials saw local Buddhist monasteries as regional centers of influence and power that could help them improve their social image and political role, connect with local communities, and sustain or revive former networks.

“I argue that the displaced scholar-officials understood the significance of local Buddhist monasteries as regional centers of influence and power through which they might be able to boost their social image and political role, connect with the local community, and sustain or rekindle their former networks.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The five Wenyuan yinghua records are representative of a broader mid-Tang aristocratic practice rather than isolated cases.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The rhetorical self-presentation in the records can be used as evidence of the authors' actual social strategies and identities.

May combine two claims.

After taking refuge on Mount Jiuhua, Fei cemented the monastery's exalted status by writing its earliest record and emphasizing its link to Dizang.

“After taking refuge on Mount Jiuhua, Fei Guanqing cemented that exalted status by composing the earliest written record of the monastery and highlighting its close association with the venerable Dizang.”

May combine two claims.

The original Northern Wei Xiangshan Monastery no longer existed at Longmen in the Tang, and a new monastery with the same name was established under Wu Zetian.

“This indicates that the original Xiangshan Monastery, dating to the Northern Wei period, was no longer extant in Longmen during the Tang era, and that a new monastery with the same name was established during the reign of Wu Zetian.”

May combine two claims.

Liu Yuxi's record is not specifically Buddhist in perspective; he appeals to Buddhist values only when encouraging the local population to donate.

“The record is not specifically characterized by a Buddhist perspective.Indeed, Liu Yuxi appeals to Buddhist values only when encouraging the local population to donate:”

May combine two claims.

Although Buddhist sources show Xiangshan Monastery had a long history and prominent masters, Bai Juyi does not mention its past; his record is a personal narration with himself as protagonist.

“Although it is clear from Buddhist sources that the Xiangshan Monastery had a long history and was associated with some prominent Buddhist masters, Bai Juyi does not allude to the monastery's past.His record of its reconstruction is presented as a personal narration in which he himself is the main protagonist.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi exchanged writings and circulated them among the Tang aristocracy, making their friendship a symbol of the remembered past for a generation of intellectuals.

“Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi not only exchanged their poetry and prose with each other but also circulated their work throughout the Tang aristocracy.As a result, their enduring friendship became a symbol of the remembered past for a whole generation of Chinese intellectuals.”

May combine two claims.

In his Xiangshan record, Bai Juyi revives his former identity as a member of Chang'an's ruling elite while constructing a new identity as a social recluse and Buddhist devotee.

“Thus, in his record of the reconstruction of the Xiangshan Monastery, when reflecting on his close relationship with Yuan Zhen, Bai Juyi revives his previous identity as a member of Chang'an's ruling elite.Simultaneously, however, he constructs a new identity as a social recluse and Buddhist devotee.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

In constructing his threefold image as social recluse, Buddhist, and devoted friend, Bai presents Xiangshan Monastery as the site of his current reclusion and a possible location for future reunion with Yuan Zhen.

“In constructing his threefold image as social recluse, Buddhist, and devoted friend, he presents the monastery as the site of his current reclusion and a possible location for his future reunion with Yuan Zhen.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Liu Zongyuan's record states that six Buddhist monasteries were established in Liuzhou by imperial order during Empress Wu Zetian's reign.

“According to this text, six Buddhist monasteries were built in Liuzhou by imperial decree during the reign of the Empress Wu Zetian (r.690-705).”

• cites WYYH 817, p. 5147Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites QTW 581, p. 5868Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

By the early ninth century Dizang was held in even higher regard, which enhanced Huacheng Monastery's reputation as a thriving religious center.

“However, by the beginning of the ninth century, he was held in even higher regard, which surely enhanced the monastery's reputation as a thriving religious center.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

After one of these monasteries, the Dayun, burned down, local people began to offer sacrifices and perform rites for local gods at the site.

“When one of these, the Dayun 大雲, burnt down, the local people started to perform sacrifices and rites for the local gods on the site.”

• cites WYYH 817, p. 5147Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites QTW 581, p. 5868Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

According to Shen Yazhi, the people of Chaoyi County were overjoyed when they learned of Wang Yun's decision to evict the monks and restore the cemetery, a task finished by the eleventh month of that year.

“According to Shen Yazhi, the people of Chaoyi County were delighted when they heard of Wang Yun's decision to evict the monks and restore the cemetery, a task that was completed by the eleventh month of the same year (Min wen zhi jie da xi.Gu yi qi nian shiyi yue, xi huan qi gu 民聞之皆大喜.故以其年十一月,悉還其故).”

• cites Ibid.Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Even though their records show some of the anti-Buddhist hostility that continued in mid-Tang society, most scholar-officials displaced from the capital tried to integrate into their new localities by connecting with local Buddhists and supporting local monasteries.

“Although their records display some of the antagonism towards Buddhism that persisted in mid-Tang society, it is apparent that most of the scholar-officials who were displaced from the capital attempted to ingratiate themselves within their new localities by associating with local Buddhists and lending their support to local monasteries.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The five records in the WYYH are representative of mid-Tang scholar-officials' engagement with Buddhist monasteries.

May combine two claims.

Mid-Tang scholar-officials' efforts to engage with Buddhist monasteries and their creation of a new literary genre coincided with a large-scale decentralization of the aristocracy.

“This study has shown that mid-Tang scholar-officials' attempts to engage with Buddhist monasteries and their development of a new literary genre occurred alongside a massive decentralization of the aristocracy.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The five records in the WYYH are representative of mid-Tang scholar-officials' engagement with Buddhist monasteries.

May combine two claims.

Liu Zongyuan was appalled by these practices and therefore undertook to rebuild the monastery.

“Appalled by this vulgar practices, Liu Zongyuan set about reconstructing the monastery.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Biographies of Liu Zongyuan commonly describe him as a committed Confucian and an ally of Han Yu in the ancient prose movement (guwen), which is usually seen as hostile to Buddhism.

“Interestingly, the biographies of Liu Zongyuan routinely characterize him as a strong proponent of Confucianism and comrade of Han Yu 韓愈 (768-824) in the ancient prose movement guwen 古文, which is generally regarded as antagonistic towards Buddhism.”

• cites Ono 1995Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Chen 1996Not matched

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• cites Gentzler 1966Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.