PreprintCited by 52Ethics and Social Impacts of AIArtificial Intelligence in LawAdministrative Law and Governance

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Governing by Algorithm? No Noise and (Potentially) Less Bias

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Sunstein, Cass R.·2021·SSRN Electronic Journal

Abstract

As intuitive statisticians, human beings suffer from identifiable biases, cognitive and otherwise. Human beings can also be “noisy,” in the sense that their judgments show unwanted variability. As a result, public institutions, including those that consist of administrative prosecutors and adjudicators, can be biased, noisy, or both. Both bias and noise produce errors. Algorithms eliminate noise, and that is important; to the extent that they do so, they prevent unequal treatment and reduce errors. In addition, algorithms do not use mental short-cuts; they rely on statistical predictors, which means that they can counteract or even eliminate cognitive biases. At the same time, the use of algorithms, by administrative agencies, raises many legitimate questions and doubts. Among other things, they can encode or perpetuate discrimination, perhaps because their inputs are based on discrimination, perhaps because what they are asked to predict is infected by discrimination. But if the goal is to eliminate discrimination, properly constructed algorithms nonetheless have a great deal of promise for administrative agencies.

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  • In the EU, the GDPR rejects opt-out consent; consent must be express, meaning people must opt in.

    “In contrast to the notice-and-choice approach in the United States, the GDPR rejects opt-out consent. Consent must be express, which means that people must opt in. 81”

    From Artificial Intelligence and Privacy (2024) · cites this paper as [81]

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Research works printed but not linked: 27

  1. 2011, See also Fatma E. Marouf, Implicit Bias and Immigration Courts, 45 NEW ENG. L. REV
  2. See David, 2014, Prosecutorial Discretion and Environmental Crime
  3. Dan P Cf, 2021, The Influence of the Availability Heuristic on Physicians in the Emergency Department, ANNALS OF EMERGENCY MEDICINE
  4. Kleinberg, the superior performance of the predicted judge suggests that, on net, the costs of inconsistency outweigh the gains from private information in our context. Whether these unobserved variables are internal states, such as mood, or specific features of the case that are salient and overweighted
  5. Id, 2017, Conveyor-Belt Justice: Precarity, Access to Justice, and Uneven Geographies of Legal Aid in UK Asylum Appeals, 49
  6. 1983, On the general phenomenon and potential correctives, see Jerry Mashaw, BUREAUCRATIC JUSTICE
  7. Alex Engler, 2021, Auditing employment algorithms for discrimination
  8. David A Strauss, 1989, Discriminatory Intent and the Taming of Brown
  9. See Jens, Human and Algorithmic Bias in Criminal Justice, J Econ Perspectives
  10. For More Details, 2018, Discrimination in the Age of Algorithms, J. OF LEGAL ANALYSIS, 10
  11. See Jon, 2017, Human Decisions and Machine Predictions, 133, Q. J. ECON
  12. A major mistake made by human judges is that they release many people identified by the algorithm as especially high-risk (meaning likely to flee or to commit crimes)
  13. Some judges are especially strict, in the sense that they are especially reluctant to allow bail --but their strictness is not limited to riskiest defendants. If it were, the strictest judges could jail as many people as they now do, but with a 75.8 percent increase in reduction of crime. Alternatively, they could keep the current crime reduction, and jail only 48
  14. 2018, See also Lauryn P. Gouldin, Defining Flight Risk
  15. See Kleinberg, 2016, But see Lauryn P. Gouldin, Disentangling Flight Risk from Dangerousness, Danger Ahead: Risk Assessment and the Future of Bail Reform, 93 WASH. L. REV
  16. Solon For An Overview, 2016, Big Data's Disparate Impact
  17. 1979, Personnel Adm'r of Mass. v. Feeney, 442 U.S
  18. See Generally, 2012, Unconstitutional Animus, 81 FORD. L. REV
  19. See supra note 9
  20. See Griggs supra note 59. B. Human Beings, Algorithms, and Discrimination
  21. In the context of bail decisions, we would have disparate treatment if it could be shown that judges discriminated against African-American defendants, either through a formal practice (counting race as a "minus") or through a demonstrable discriminatory motive (established perhaps with some kind of extrinsic evidence). 82 We would have disparate impact if it could be shown that some factor or rule of decision (taking account, for example
  22. � 2000e-2(k)(1)(A)-(B)
  23. E G See, 2013, Foreword: Equality Divided, 127 HARV, L. REV
  24. A Girardeau, 2010, Disparate Impact, 98 GEO, Contra Michael Selmi, Was the Disparate Impact Theory a Mistake
  25. U S Feeney, 1979, See Personnel Adm'r of Mass
  26. See Cass, 1994, The Anticaste Principle
  27. See David, 2018, Racial Bias in Bail Decisions, 133 Q, J. OF ECON

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Metadata

Authors
Sunstein, C. R.
Affiliations
Harvard University (US)
Corresponding author
Sunstein, Cass R.
Venue
SSRN Electronic Journal
Publisher
Elsevier BV
Published
2021
ISSN
1556-5068 (ISSN-L)
OpenAlex
W3201189112
Cited by
52
References
0
Citations by year
2026: 1 · 2025: 9 · 2024: 12 · 2023: 25 · 2022: 5
Type
posted content
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • SSRN Electronic Journal (acceptedVersion)
  • Duke Law Scholarship Repository (Duke University) (submittedVersion)
Topics
  • Physical Sciences › Computer Science › Artificial Intelligence › Ethics and Social Impacts of AI
  • Social Sciences › Law › Artificial Intelligence in Law
  • Social Sciences › Law › Administrative Law and Governance
Keywords
algorithmic governance, administrative agencies, cognitive biases, algorithmic decision-making, discrimination, equal treatment, administrative adjudication, statistical forecasting, algorithmic fairness

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