Culture, Community, Nation: On the Ruins of Ayodhya

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

The BJP took two-thirds of the seats in the Delhi assembly and a larger number of seats and larger share of votes in U.P. than any other political party.

“the BJP has taken not only two-thirds of the seats in the Delhi assembly but also larger number of seats as well as larger share of the votes in U.P. itself, than any other political party—by far!”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The idea of uniform Hindu victimisation over a thousand years is as old as Indian modernity itself, and can be found in Rammohun.

“The idea of uniform Hindu victimisation over a thousand years is as old as Indian modernity itself, and we can find it there already in Rammohun”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The big bourgeoisie of Bombay was so intimidated that it dared not openly call for either the banning of the Sena or the arrest of Bal Thakerey.

“the big bourgeoisie of Bombay was itself so intimidated that it dared not openly call for either the banning of the Sena or the arrest of Bal Thakerey”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS is led by a handful of men, mostly of the Brahmin caste, bound by no norms of democratic representation even in principle, and its methods of internal organisation, promotion, decision-making, and lists of actual cadres remain shrouded in secrecy, despite the agreement under which the ban on the sangh was lifted in the 50s requiring legal accountability on these issues.

“led by a handful of men, mostly of the Brahmin caste, bound by no norms of democratic representation even in principle, whose methods of internal organisation, promotion, decision-making, lists of actual cadres etc, remains shrouded in secrecy, despite the agreement under which the ban on the sangh was lifted in the 50s and which requires legal accountability on these issues.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Shiv Sena was fully involved, as a partner of the parivar, in the destruction of the mosque.

“We might add that the Shiv Sena was fully involved, as a partner of the parivar, in the destruction of the mosque; that it subsequently took credit for it openly”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS supports the most murderously militarist solutions in Punjab but then turns around to placate the Sikhs in Delhi in the course of its own confrontation with the Congress in the city.

“It supports the most murderously militarist solutions in Punjab but then turns around to placate the Sikhs in Delhi in the course of its own”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The shankaracharyas themselves have no institutionalised authority even remotely resembling the authority of the Irani maraja-e-taqlid.

“The shankaracharyas themselves have no institutionalised authority even remotely resembling the authority of the Irani maraja-e-taqlid.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Mussolini had been an illustrious member of the Socialist Party and spoke in a populist language of higher standards of living for the poor through brisk national development.

“Mussolini had been an illustrious member of the Socialist Party and spoke in a populist language of higher standards of living for the poor through brisk national development.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Mussolini constantly invoked the classical and imperial traditions of Italy in holding out the promise that the authoritarian, strong nation-state he was building was necessary for reviving the nation's tradition and glory.

“he constantly invoked the classical and imperial traditions of Italy in holding out the promise that the authoritarian, strong nation-state that he was building was necessary for reviving the nation's tradition and glory.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS sets out to be the party of saffron yuppies but then starts opposing the Dunkel draft so as to appeal to the nascent nationalism of the larger sections of the Indian intelligentsia.

“It sets out to be the party of saffron yuppies but then starts opposing the Dunkel draft so as to appeal to the nascent nationalism of the larger sections of the Indian intelligentsia.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Even in Germany, the big bourgeoisie united behind Hitler much more solidly after he came to power than before, when only sections of the bourgeoisie had actually supported him.

“Even in Germany, in other words, the big bourgeoisie united behind Hitler much more solidly after he came to power than before, when only sections of the bourgeoisie had actually”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS presents itself as a party that becomes increasingly indistinguishable from the Congress as regards corruption, factionalism and power play of all kinds.

“It presents itself as the pary e rs ont that becomes increasingly indistinguishable from the Congress as regards corruption, factionalism and powcr play of all kinds.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS posits the Mandir issue against Mandal but then sets out to coopt the OBCs when the electoral arithmetic so requires.

“It posits the Mandir issue against Mandal, but then sets out to coopt the OBCs when the electoral arithmetic so requires.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. The quote only partly states this claim.

The electorates of U.P and M.P. have provisionally freed us from the trepidations that made us think the desiring of what we want is illegitimate.

“From those trepidations, the electorates of U.P and M. P. have provisionally freed us.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS has a far-reaching alliance with Shiv Sena in both the parliamentary and non-parliamentary domains but then recoils from Sena's rampaging against dalits in order to conceal its own overwhelmingly upper caste character and to placate the more populist elements in its own ranks.

“It has a far-reaching alliance with Shiv Sena in both the parliamentary and non-parliamentary domains but then recoils from Sena's rampaging against dalits in order to conceal its own overwhelmingly upper caste character and to placate the more populist elements in its own ranks.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The great strides of political Hinduism began a generation later; its fortunes have ebbed and flowed; it is weakest where the Left is strong but also where Muslim minorities are weakest and the field is open for Hindu cultural assertion; this needs a conjunctural explanation rather than a permanent Hindu ethos.

“That the great strides of political Hinduism began a generation later; that its fortunes have seen much ebbing and flowing in succeeding years; that it is weakest in regions where the Left is still strong but also in regions where the Muslim minorities are the weakest and the field much more open for uninterrupted Hindu cultural assertion—all this needs a more conjunctural explanation than the a”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Other violences of caste, class and gender are always there to form the authoritarian personality upon which the fascist project eventually rests.

“those other violences—of caste, class and gender—are always there to form the kind of authoritarian personality upon which the fascist project eventually rests.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The later televising of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata in quick succession created a sense of their mutual continuity, the story of Ram overlapping with heroic narratives of the sacred nation.

“the later televising of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata in quick succession created a sense of their mutual continuity, the story of Ram overlapping with heroic narratives of the sacred nation”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS launched itself on its new career after the fall of the Janata government and as the decade of the 1970s drew to a close, with the VHP waiting to be released into new kinds of aggressive assertions in the 1980s.

“the RSS launched itself on its new career, after the fall of the Janata government and as the decade of the 1970s drew to a close”

• Also stated in: § Culture, Community, , Nation: On the Ruins of Ayodhya* · p. 13 · plain

  “the VHP, which had been leading an obscure existence since the 1960s, waiting to be released into entirely new kinds of aggressive assertions in the 1980s.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Nowhere in the West did women gain the vote at the very inception of representative democracy; in India they did.

“Nowhere in the West did women gain the vote at the very inception of representative democracy; in India they did.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Gandhi commanded hegemonic power over the social visions and even the spiritual life of many people.

“Few political leaders anywhere in the modern world have commanded such hegemonic power, over the social visions and even the spiritual life of so many people, as did Gandhi alone”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Previous histories of the anti-colonial movement could no longer serve as the nationalist cement of society unless an equally powerful antiimperialist nationalism were to organically arise in the new conditions of a postcolonial, sovereign, developing society.

“Previous histories of the anti-colonial movement could no longer serve as the nationalist cement of society unless an equally powerful antiimperialist nationalism were to organically arise in the new conditions of a postcolonial, sovereign, developing society.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Local communities in India are, as a norm, structured hierarchically, usually on the axis of caste, and almost always with unequal division of labour and assets between constituent households; it would be difficult to find a local community which does not rest structurally on the patriarchal household.

“local communities in India (as elsewhere) are, as a norm, structured hierarchically, usually on the axis of caste, and almost always with unequal division of labour and assets between constituent households; moreover, it would be difficult to find a local community which does not rest, structurally, on the patriarchal household.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The power of falsely homogenised Hinduism lies in the articulation of the growing integration of the Indian market and communicational grids with the invention of a widely shareable belief-system that can serve as a secularised ideology through TV serialisation and mass spectacle, giving the nation a symbolic unity that compensates for the lack of a progressive national project.

“The power of this falsely homogenised Hinduism perhaps lies elsewhere—in the articulation of the growing integration of the Indian market and communicational grids with the invention of a belief-system that can be widely shared, casily packaged, reduced to a linear explanatory narrative, ready to serve more or less as a secularised ideology through TV serialisation and mass spectacle, to give to”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Congress model of capitalist accumulation had exhausted its potential by the mid-70s.

“The Congress model of capitalist accumulation had exhausted its potential by the mid-70s”

It may state two separate claims as one.

If the Left cannot provide that cement, and if the liberal centre begins to collapse, an aggressive kind of Rightist nationalism will step into that vacuum to resolve a crisis produced by the objective processes of state formation and capitalist development.

“if the Left cannot provide that cement, and if the liberal centre begins to collapse, an aggressive kind of Rightist nationalism will step into that vacuum to resolve a crisis that is produced by the objective processes of state formation and capitalist development”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

In contemporary India communalism is the cutting edge for a fascist project as a whole.

“In contemporary India communalism is certainly, as I said earlier, the cutting edge for a fascist project as a whole”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

Communalism as such is not necessarily fascism.

“If we were to ask whether communalism as such is a fascism, I would say: no, not necessarily, not all communalism by any means.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

To the extent that the fascist project sets out to assemble popular consent on the terrain of Tradition and Culture, Community and Nation for a conservative compact on issues of class and gender, caste and denominational diversity, centralised power and regional autonomy, one cannot abandon the terrain of nationalism itself.

“To the extent that it is on the terrain of Tradition and Culture, Community and Nation, that the fascist project sets out to assemble popular consent for a conservative compact on issues of class and gender, caste and denominational diversity, centralised power and regional autonomy, one cannot abandon the terrain of nationalism itself”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The authoritarianism of the Emergency was utilised only to buttress personal power but not to implement a new reform package from above.

“the authoritarianism of that episode was utilised only to buttress personal power but not to implement a new reform package from above”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Communalism is not the only-and, in quantitative terms, not even the largest-structure of routine violence in Indian society.

“Communalism is by no means the only—and, in quantitative terms, not even the largest—structure of routine violence in our society”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The organisation of such a movement was precluded by the regional sequestration of the Left on the one hand, the demise of Nehruvian social democracy on the other.

“But the organisation of such a movement was precluded by the regional sequestration of the Left on the one hand, the demise of Nehruvian social democracy on the other.”

The quote only partly states this claim.

The destruction of the Babri Masjid and the forces that carried it out have a fascist character, as shown by the nature of the event, the modes of mobilisation, the structure of the sangh parivar, and the specific ideological form of its communalism.

“the nature of the event, the modes of mobilisation, the very structure of the sangh parivar, and the specific ideological form in which it practices and propagates its communalism—all of which makes it rather similar to Shiv Sena”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

India was born in a communal holocaust yet refused to become a Hindu Rashtra and opted to become a secular polity.

“It was a country born in the crucible of a communal holocaust; yet it refused to become a Hindu Rashtra and opted, in stead, to become a secular polity.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

So long as India remains a territorially united entity with increasing degrees of internal market integration, there is no escape from the need to define national projects.

“and so long as India remains a territorially united entity with increasing degrees of internal market integration, there really is no escape from the need to define national projects.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The potential for a fascist condensation of structures of violence and for a fascist resolution of crises is always there in the structure of centralised states and coerced territorialities.

“The potential for a fascist condensation of such structures of violence, and for a fascist resolution for crises of such magnitude, is always there in the very structure of centralised states and coerced territorialities.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

In a developing society in which the structures of capitalism are fully in place but processes of state formation are weakly developed and which is premised on acute unevennesses of region, community and class, an ideological cement of a nationalist kind is an objective necessity.

“a developing society in which the structures of capitalism are fully in place but where processes of state formation are weakly developed and which is premised on acute unevennesses of region, community and class, an ideological cement of a nationalist kind is an objective necessity.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

In a backward capitalist society of continental proportions, with immense diversities and inequities, the constructedness of the process is far more visible and produces immeasurably greater stress.

“In a backward capitalist society of continental proportions, with immense diversities and inequities, the constructedness of the process is far more visible and produces immeasurably greater stress.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Nowhere in the world was a model of constitutional government and representative democracy, based on universal suffrage, introduced or stabilised with poverty levels and literacy rates as low as those in India at independence.

“Nowhere in the world, neither anywhere in Europe nor in North America, was a model of constitutional government and representative democracy, based on universal suffrage, introduced or stabilised with poverty levels and literacy rates as low as the ones that prevailed in India at the time of independence.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The well-known leaders who had left the Congress had failed to either articulate an alternative model of development or to put together a stable political organisation able to challenge the Congress.

“The well-known leaders who had left the Congress at various points had failed to either articulate an alternative model of development or to put together a stable political organisation able to challenge the Congress”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The national project need not be a primarily cultural identity, and there is no need for it to be religiously defined; it may be a project for restructuring class, gender and caste relations, hence for revolutionary restructuring of the state and market relations.

“It need not be a primarily cultural identity, and there is certainly no need for it to be religiously defined; it may well be a dynamically articulated project for re-structuring relations of class, gender and caste, hence for revolutionary re-structuring of the state and of market relations as such.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

In denouncing 'syndicated Hinduism', we have not paid enough attention to the fact that the issue of truth and falsity addresses only a part, and perhaps a secondary part, of the problem.

“we have not paid enough attention to the fact that the issue of truth and falsity, and our way of posing true Hinduism as against false Hinduism of the RSS, addresses only a part, and perhaps a secondary part of the problem.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The movement led by JP and the cabinet headed by Morarji gave to the sangh its respectability.

“it was the movement led by JP and the cabinet headed by Morarji that gave to the sangh its respectability.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The suggestion that aggressive political Hinduism is rising because it expresses the cultural ethos of the vast majority is false; there is no such correlation.

“It is often suggested that aggressive kind of political Hinduism is rising in India today because it expresses the cultural ethos of the vast majority in the country. The experience of the first quarter century after Independence shows that there is no such correlation.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS adopted, at its inception and consistently since then, the figure of Ram as the one upon whom all narrative structures converge.

“the real ingenuity of the RSS was that it adopted, at the moment of its own inception and consistently since then, the figure of Ram as the one upon whom all narrative structures converge”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

A canonical kind of Hinduism started getting fabricated as soon as the Orientalist scholar set out to study Indian belief systems on the pattern set already in Biblical Studies.

“a canonical kind of Hinduism started getting fabricated as soon as the Orientalist scholar set out to study Indian belief systems on the pattern set already in Biblical Studies.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The eternal present is the basic trope of the nationalist claim about the timeless nation.

“which is of course the basic trope of the nationalist claim about the timeless nation that is equally present at the moment of its birth in the mythic past as well as at the moment of its remaking by the nationalist hero.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. It may state two separate claims as one.

Autonomies of local communities are being blown apart, and such autonomies can be defended in the long run only by struggling for a kind of national project that would protect these communities from the destructiveness of states and markets left to their own devices.

“autonomies of local communities are being blown apart, and such autonomies can be defended, in the long run, only by struggling, simultaneously, for a kind of national project that would protect these communities from the destructiveness that comes spontaneously to states and markets when they are left to thcir own devices.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The renewed bid of the RSS to reformulate the nationalist ethos coincided with the collapse of the Congress model and with powerful processes at work in India that require the creation of a pan-Indian identity.

“the renewed bid of the RSS to reformulate the nationalist ethos coincided not only with the collapse of the Congress model but also, temporally, with powerful processes at work in India— the processes of universal suffrage; a centralised administration; overlapping networks of regional and national educational systems and print media; generalisation of television and videos; and, except for China,”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

A national definition of the polity, a nationalist ideology, was an objective requirement of the material processes unleashed by economic and political modernity.

“A national definition of the polity—in other words, a nationalist ideology—was an objective requirement of the material processes that had been unleashed by the very terms of economic and political modernity.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The decisive moment in the process of mass syndication came through print iconographies and popular cinema where gods and goddesses from diverse devotional practices and textual sources got slotted into a small number of plot outlines.

“Perhaps the decisive moment in the process of mass syndication came through neither the scholar nor the political demagogue but in print iconographies and popular cinema where gods and goddesses from diverse devotional practices and textual sources got slotted into a small number of plot outlines”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

Posing the more humane and subversive traditions within the belief systems of the Indian past against the Sangh's masculinist and market-friendly Hinduism is necessary but insufficient.

“the posing of the more humane and subversive traditions within the belief systems of the Indian past against the Sangh's masculinist and market-friendly Hinduism is necessary but insufficient”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The multiplicities of linguistic and regional identities and the extremities of class polarisation in a backward capitalist society accentuate the objective need for the creation of a national identity corresponding to the exigencies of the national market and the nation-state.

“the multiplicities of linguistic and regional identities and the extremities of class polarisation in a backward capitalist society serve only to accentuate the objective need for the creation of a national identity corresponding to the exigencies of the national market and the nation-state”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The BJP is the sangh's obvious public face, but all power is wielded by the RSS itself.

“The sangh's obvious public face is that of the BJP, supposedly a political party like the rest, but even the formation of municipal government in Delhi has shown that all the power is wielded by the RSS itself”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

India during the first fifteen years after Independence witnessed the making of a substantially independent model of national industrialisation, substantial reduction in the power of large-scale feudal landholdings, substantial processes of kulakisation, infrastructural development, and expansion of educational facilities and technical personnel.

“India during the first fifteen years after Independence witnessed the making of a substantially independent model of national industrialisation, substantial reduction in the power of large-scale feudal landholdings, substantial processes of kulakisation in the countryside which benefited the upper levels of the peasantry, very considerable infrastructural development, expansion of educational”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The destruction of the masjid has all the characteristics of a fascist spectacle.

“In its internal structure, meanwhile, the destruction of the masjid has all the characteristics of a fascist spectacle, coming on top of many preparatory spectacles, carefully calibrated over the years.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Fascist rule is not on the horizon in India in the immediate future.

“If we were to ask whether or not fascist rule is on the horizon in India, my answer would be: no, not in the immediate future.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

In Europe secularism never triumphed in processes of state formation with such low levels of income and literacy.

“This, in sharp contrast to Europe where secularism never triumphed in processes of state formation with such low levels of income and literacy.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The destruction of Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992 was a fascist assault on the Indian Constitution.

“I have elsewhere described the destruction of an obscure little mosque in Ayodhya, on 6th December 1992, as a fascist assault on the Indian Constitution.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The sangh organises the fascist structure vertically from the shakha upward and horizontally by spawning numerous fronts-perhaps fifty or more.

“This is the organisation which assembles the fascist structure vertically, from the shakha upward, with its organisational ethic of cadre-building, loyalty and obedience, and its ideological identification of local community, Hindu culture, and Indian nationhood; and, it organises the structure horizontally, by spawning numerous fronts—perhaps fifty or more”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Advanced capitalist countries have assembled the wherewithal to reproduce such identities, states and markets routinely, with relatively little stress.

“Advanced capitalist countries have assembled the wherewithal to reproduce such identities, states and markets routinely, with relatively little stress”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

It is not possible to challenge a fully articulated fascist national project without posing against it a superior national project capable of organising what Gramsci called the 'national-popular will'.

“it is not possible to in fact challenge a fully articulated fascist national project without posing against it a superior national project capable of organising what Gramsci once called the 'national-popular will'.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Prior histories of British administration, nationalist politics, the emergence of a sovereign polity based on universal suffrage, the continuing viceregal tradition of centralised rule, and the growth of a national market for commodities and communications, with increases in literacy and radio/TV, had created an objective situation for the invention, re-casting and contentions over an all-encompss

“prior histories of British administration, nationalist politics, the emergence of a sovereign polity based on universal suffrage, the continuing viceregal tradition of centralised rule in post-Independence India, and, above all, the stupendous growth of a national market for commodities and communications alike, with substantial increase in literacy rates and ownership of radio sets as well as the”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS integrated previously discrete ideological elements into a singular, all-encompassing ideological position and linked them to uniquely new forms of organisation and mobilisation.

“Its unique achievement is that ideological elements that had in the past remained discrete are now integrated into a singular, all-encompassing ideological position and are given not only a far more vicious form but, most crucially, linked now to uniquely new forms of organisation and mobilisation.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

This coincided with the first major opportunity for RSS to gain political respectability and start building its own kind of hegemony out of the wreckage of the Congress model.

“This of course coincided, then, with the first major opportunity for RSS to gain political respectability and start building its own kind of hegemony out of the wreckage of the Congress model.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The intensification of market relations, acceleration of communications and travel, elaboration of nation-state mechanisms, and electoral structures brought masses of Indians into direct contact and interdependence, objectively requiring a powerful ideological cement in the form of a national ideology.

“the very intensification of market relations, the rapid acceleration of communications and travel facilities, the massive elaboration of the institutional mechanisms of the nation-state, even the intricate and pyramidical workings of the political structures of electoral representations—the mechanisms, in other words, that had brought masses of Indians from diverse regions and social background”

• Also stated in: § Culture, Community, , Nation: On the Ruins of Ayodhya* · p. 13 · plain

  “objectively required a powerful ideological cement in the form of a national ideology.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

A potential for fascist resolutions is particularly strong in semi-industrialised societies such as India, which have inherited powerful traditions of classicism, cultural conservatism and authoritarian religiosity, and which have failed to undertake revolutionary transformations of cultural life and radical redistribution of material resources.

“a potential for fascist resolutions is particularly strong in those semi-industrialised societies such as ours which have inherited powerful traditions of classicism, cultural conservatism and authoritarian religiosity, and which have failed to undertake revolutionary transformations of cultural life and radical redistribution of material resources.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

Posing secularism against communalism is necessary but insufficient.

“the posing of secularism against communalism is necessary but insufficient”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS has demonstrated an astonishing pattern of calibrated growth since its inception in the late 1920s.

“the RSS has demonstrated an astonishing pattern of calibrated growth since its inception in the late 1920s”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

RSS has had to face a historically unique problem: the organisation of a fascist movement in a society marked both by backward capitalism, unlike Germany, and, unlike Italy or Spain, by powerful traditions of electoral democracy based on universal franchise in a context of entrenched civil and military bureaucracies largely subservient to political authority.

“it has had to face a historically unique problem: the organisation of a fascist movement in a society marked both by backward apitalism, unlike Germany, and, unlike Italy or Spain, by powerful traditions of electoral democracy based on universal franchise in a context of entrenched civil and military bureaucracies largely subservient to political authority.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

Democracy presumes a prior social consensus on the issue of secular sociality and secular governance.

“Democracy, in other words, presumes a prior social consensus on the issue of secular sociality and secular governance.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

One cannot occupy the terrain of nationalism empty-handed, without a political project for the re-making of the nation and its existing structures of power.

“but one cannot occupy that terrain empty-handed, without a political project for the re-making of the nation and its existing structures of power.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

For some sixty years now, RSS has followed a two-pronged strategy: the building of a hard core of cadres specialising in different kinds of tasks, and the propagation of its ideas in the culture at large through a third prong, the formation of distinct but overlapping mass fronts.

“For some sixty years now, RSS has followed a two-pronged strategy: the building of a hard core of cadres specialising in different kinds of tasks, and the propagation of its ideas in the culture at large through Hci r ' i i cil third prong to its strategy, namely the formation of distinct but overlapping mass fronts.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

If those who claim to lead us continue to neglect the more enduring questions of material reproduction and social existence, India will not only be straddled with a fascism of sorts, it will also fall apart yet again.

“If those who claim to lead us continue to neglect those more enduring questions, India will not only be straddled with a fascism of sorts, it will also, simply, fall apart—yet again.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

It was on the terrain of the doubleness of being subjected to the laws that one had made as the subject of law that the conflicting demands of individuality and community were to be reconciled; the community was to be not the community of local origin or given caste affiliation but the community of equal citizenship chosen freely by each citizen.

“It was on the terrain of this doubleness—of being subjected to the laws that one had made as the subject of law— that the conflicting demands of individuality and community were to be reconciled; the community was to be not the community of local origin or the given caste affiliation, but the community of equal citizenship that was”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The questions of 1789, once posed in all their radicalism and therefore unfulfilled, haunt now not only France, not only Europe, but inhabitants of this earth as a whole.

“The questions of 1789, once posed in all their radicalism and therefore unfulfilled, haunt now not only France, not only Europe, but inhabitants of this earth as a whole.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Modern societies are irretrievably political societies whose cohesion depends, in the last instance, on the reproduction of material life and on the passages that connect labour with capital in an antagonistic unity, therefore on forms of secular governance commensurate with those reproductions and materialities.

“modern societies are irretrievably political societies whose cohesion depends, in the last instance, on the reproduction of material life and on the many passages that connect labour with capital in an antagonistic unity, therefore on forms of secular governance commensurate with those reproductions and materialities.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS invokes images of a vast community that purportedly offers the securities of a parivar in a world where such solidarities are eroded and collapsing, and invokes hallucinations of power in the midst of powerlessness.

“by invoking images of a vast community that purportedly offers the securities of a parivar in a world where such solidarities are eroded and collapsing, and by invoking hallucinations of power in the midst of powerlessness, real and vast.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one. The quote only partly states this claim.

The lack of large communist parties in India, the always local but nation-wide activities of anticommunal forces, and the renewed assertion of dalits and OBCs are among the factors in the Indian conjuncture.

“even the lack of wo e n e c n is n c ne of large communist parties (in a global conjuncture where India has”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The idea of one kind of equality leads necessarily and logically to other ideas of equality: the idea of secularism leads to ideas of political democracy, and the idea of political equality leads to the idea of economic equality.

“the idea of one kind of equality leads, necessarily and logically to other ideas of equality: the idea of secularism leads to ideas of political democracy, the idea of political equality leads to the idea of economic equality”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The official ideology of the Nazi Party was National Socialism, and as late as the elections of 1933 Hitler was celebrating May Day and exhorting workers for 'revolution' under the National-Socialist banner, indicating that the party rode to power on a rhetoric of rightwing radicalism supported by large sections of the petty bourgeoisie and the proletarianised mass.

“the official ideology of the Nazi Party was that of National Socialism, and that as late as the elections of 1933 Hitler was celebrating May Day and exhorting the workers for 'revolution' under the National-Socialist banner, which indicates the fact that the party rode to power on a rhetoric of rightwing radicalism, supported by large sections of the petty bourgeoisie and of the proletarianised”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Caste is not simply an ideological construct of high Brahminism or merely an offshoot of Orientalist knowledge; in India it is central to the systems of material reproduction and social existence.

“it would be erroneous to think that caste is simply an ideological construct of high Brahminism or merely an offshoot of Orientalist knowledge; it is, in India, central to the systems of material reproduction and social existence”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Locke is able to think the dilemmas of democracy in terms of the minority of one because the central problem of democracy for him is not majority rule but minority rights, and the attendant problem of ensuring both the majority's right to rule and the minority's right to protection and liberty.

“Locke is able to think the dilemmas of democracy in terms of the minority of one because the central problem of democracy for him is not majority rule but minority rights, and the attendant problem, therefore, of ensuring both the majority's right to rule and minority's right not only to protection but also to liberty.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The problem with the RSS and its affiliates is that they believe in their own rhetoric too much and have taken the question of aggregative ideological identities far too seriously; they do so because of their own class position, but it also restricts the possibility of enduring power.

“The problem with RSS and its affiliates is that they believe in their own rhetoric too much, and they have taken the question of aggregative ideological identities—religious identities, and national identities—far too seriously; they do so because of their own class position, but it also restricts the possibility of enduring power.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

It is from Rousseau's thought that we can derive the hyphenated term Citizen-Subject.

“it is from Rousseau's thought that we can derive”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Substantial elements of the fascist conjuncture exist in India, which accounts for the growth of the fascist tendency there.

“That substantial elements of this conjuncture exist in India accounts for the growth of the fascist tendency here”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The anti-fascist mobilisations during these years have been essentially local and dispersed, even mutually discrete, with none of the advantages of initiative that moments of concentration bring.

“the very mode of anti-fascist mobilisations during these same years, which have been essentially local and dispersed, even mutually discrete, with none of the advantages of initiative that moments of concentration bring.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Rousseau thought of the doubleness of the idea of Citizen-Subject: true citizenship lay in the ability of citizens, in their collectivity, to give laws unto themselves but also in their collective consent to abide by the laws they had given to themselves.

“Rousseau had been thinking of the doubleness of the idea of Citizen-Subject, in the sense that true citizenship lay for him in the ability of the citizens, in their collectivity, to give laws unto themselves but also, equally, in their collective consent to abide by the laws they had given to themselves.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The idea of religious liberty and of the peaceful coexistence of religious difference has been central, historically speaking, in the formation of the twin ideas of liberty and equality as such; the idea of democratic dissent was posed initially as the idea of religious difference.

“The idea of religious liberty and of the peaceful coexistence of religious difference has been central, historically speaking, in the formation of the twin ideas of liberty and equality as such; the idea of democratic dissent was posed initially as the idea of religious difference.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

In India today, if we do not find our way into socialist democracy, the alternative is fascism.

“Here, in India today, that historic question is palpable, because if we do not find our way into socialist democracy, the alternative is fascism”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The fundamental questions of collective existence, once posed, have a way of persisting.

“the fundamental questions of collective existence, once posed, have a way of persisting.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. It may state two separate claims as one.

The success of RSS is not inevitable; the future is still wide open; the outcome of their offensive shall depend as much on their own strategic abilities as on the capacity of centrist forces to stem fragmentation and hold liberal values, and the capacity of dispersed anti-fascist forces to build an anti-fascist movement.

“Is their success inevitable? The only possible answer is that we do not yet know; that the future is still wide open; that the outcome of their offensive shall depend as much on their own strategic abilities as on (a) the capacity of the centrist forces to stem their own ongoing fragmentation and hold the line on liberal values, and (b) the capacity of the dispersed anti-fascist forces to build an”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The principal problem for the RSS is that Indian society is far more heterogeneous than anywhere fascism has succeeded; the RSS lacks the class radicalism of classic fascist parties; and centrist forces from the Congress to JD already agree on destroying the progressive aspects of the Indian state and its economic policies, so the RSS cannot offer foreign monopolies and Indian corporate capital a

“The principal problem for the RSS, in this regard, is not that it Ilas bs es b b b b bi b to b ba society far more heterogenous than anywhere fascism has succeeded in the past; (b) it lacks that class radicalism of the classic fascist parties which could offer to the immiserated anything more substantial than the intoxicants of religious ideology and fascist spectacle; and (c) the centrist”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Nothing much can change unless all of us, in our individuality and in our collectivity, change it over a very considerable period of time, by building communities of radical equality.

“nothing much can change unless all of us, in our individuality and in our collectivity, change it over a very considerable period of time, by building communities of radical equality”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Ideas of equality in one domain lead necessarily to ideas of equality in other domains.

“ideas of equality in one domain lead necessarily to ideas of equality in other domains”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The factors and forces ranged against fascism in India today are formidable, commanding an absolute numerical majority.

“I do think that the factors and forces that are ranged against fascism in India today are formidable—commanding, among other things, an absolute numerical majority.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

No democratic society can long survive without a hegemonic power bloc, and no power bloc can construct or long exercise social hegemony democratically without connecting issues of ideological identities with the more intractable issues produced in material production and human reproduction.

“no democratic society can long survive without a hegemonic power bloc, and that no power bloc can construct or long exercise social hegemony democratically without connecting issues of ideological identities with those more intractable ones that are produced in the. processes of material production and human re”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The fundamental weakness of the RSS and its fronts is that they are formations of a conservative Right, not of a radical Right.

“the fundamental weakness of the RSS and its fronts is that they are formations of a conservative Right, not of radical Right.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The point of unity for the capitalist class is capital itself, and what the whole class always wants is a political authority that would ensure stable conditions for the expanded reproduction of capital.

“the point of unity for the capitalist class is capital itself, and what the whole class always wants is a political authority that would ensure stable conditions for the expanded reproduction of capital.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Unlike the Khomeini-ite religio-clerical forces, the RSS and its allies face in India institutions of the parliamentary Republic where power is too widely distributed, with a vibrant civil society comprised of ramparts and trenches so numerous as to be unavailable for frontal assault or war of rapid movement.

“the RSS and its allies face in India institutions of the parliamentary Republic where power is too widely distributed, with a vibrant civil society, comprised, in Gramsci's vivid phrase, of ramparts and trenches so numerous as to be unavailable for frontal assault or war of rapid movement.”

• cites Gramsci's vivid phraseNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The term 'socialist democracy' cannot now mean what it used to mean in the opening decades of the century; new questions have been posed, or at least old questions have re-surfaced.

“that telegraphic term, 'socialist democracy', cannot now mean, at the end of this century, what it used to mean in the opening decades of the century. New questions have been posed, or at least old questions have re-surfaced”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The question of the insurrectionary relation between democracy and socialism will not simply wither away, regardless of the collapse of the Soviet Union or Eastern Europe.

“Nor will the question simply wither away, regardless of the collapse of the Soviet Union or Eastern Europe.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

In its conditions of normal political existence, the capitalist class is comprised of competing enterprises, groups and fractions, clustering around different contenders for state power.

“in its conditions of normal political existence, the class is comprised of competing enterprises, groups and fractions, clustering around different contenders for state power.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

So far, RSS has done rather well for itself, even though it is very far from taking power.

“So far, they have done rather well for themselves, even though they are very far from taking power”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Reason is both its own worst enemy and also its own best safeguard against itself, and against un-Reason.

“Reason is both its own worst enemy but also its own best safeguard against itself—and of course against un-Reason.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Neither the histories of spectacular accumulation in advanced capitalist countries nor the ravages of Stalinism in countries that sought a non-capitalist path ever managed to contain the insurrectionary relation between democracy and socialism.

“Neither the histories of spectacular accumulation in advanced capitalist countries, nor the ravages of Stalinism in countries that sought a non-capitalist path of social development, ever managed to contain that insurrectionary relation between democracy and socialism.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The immense heterogeneities of Indian society are such that an onward march of a unified fascist force is very difficult in the light of contrary pulls.

“Yet, it is also the case that the immense heterogeneities of Indian society are such that an onward march of a unified fascist force is very difficult in the light of contrary pulls in all th a n a c a o ao lnny”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS had set out to establish itself organisationally as an alternative claimant to state power.

“the RSS had set out to establish itself organisationally as an alternative claimant to state power.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Until Hitler secured his own political power, the extent of his ties with sections of big business had been essentially conspiratorial, and only after securing power and destroying the Left did he purge his own party to make it fully compatible with the interests of the big bourgeoisie.

“to that time the extent of his ties with sections of big business had been essentially conspiratorial, and it was only after he had secured his own political power and the destruction of the Left that Hitler carried out a purge within his own party in order to make it fully compatible with the interests of the big bourgeoisie.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

RSS chose the mercantile bourgeoisie as its principal collaborator and source of finance.

“To the extent that it chose the mercantile bourgeoisie as its principal collaborator and source of finance”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The political imaginary that the RSS propagates is based squarely on the near-universal misery of the proletarianised mass and the lower petty bourgeoisie in our cities, which makes them prone to millenarian ideologies, fascist mobilisations and cultures of cruelty.

“the political imaginary that the RSS propagates is based squarely on the near-universal misery of the proletarianised mass and the lower petty bourgeoisie in our cities, which makes them prone to millenarian ideologies, fascist mobilisations and cultures of cruelty”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The political slogan of the Radical Enlightenment, 'Liberty, Fraternity, Equality', can be translated for our own time, word for word, as 'Democracy, Secularism, Socialism'.

“Hence the political slogan of the Radical Enlightenment: 'Liberty, Fraternity, Equality'—which could be translated for our own time, word for word, as 'Democracy, Secularism, Socialism'.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The RSS and its affiliates take advantage of the misery of the majority of the Indian peoples; they build on reservoirs of mass resentment and on the notion that the misery of the majority can be blamed entirely on the socio-religious minority, and that periodic pogroms and bellicosities of majoritarian ultra-nationalism can help postpone forever the issue of resolving the material bases of that

“it, and they, take advantage of the misery of the majority of the Indian peoples; they build, simultaneously, on the reservoirs of mass resentment and the fatalistic notion of conservative r c g c c gbs restored to our personal, social, political lives; and on the notion, made familiar by the Nazis, that the misery of majority can be blamed entirely on the socio-religious minority, and that”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The historical process that eventually gave rise to fully fledged secularisms in Europe began much earlier, with the crises of the 16th century, the rise of centralised states in monarchical and bureaucratic forms, and the catastrophic wars of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation.

“The historical process that eventually gave rise to fully fledged secularisms in the recent history of Europe, in the sense of a juridic separation between political life and religious life, actually began much earlier, with those crises of the 16th century which then witnessed, on the one hand, the rise of a number of centralised states in monarchical and bureaucratic forms; and, on the other,”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The logic of such ideas would take us, and should take us, far beyond the conventional confines of democracy or socialism or secularism, to communism itself.

“the logic of such ideas would take us—and should take us—far beyond the conventional confines of democracy or socialism or secularism; that the logic of see ' s t ecuto communism itself”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The Citizen-Subject, that is to say the democratic individual, cannot be born without the abolition of private property.

“The Citizen-Subject-that is to say, the democratic individual—cannot be born without the abolition of private property.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Hence the RSS concentrates on symbolic politics and flounders on substantive issues.

“Hence its concentration on symbolic politics and its floundering on the substantive issues.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The spectacle organised around the destruction of the Babri Masjid was a high point following upon some years of momentum of alternate dispersals and concentrations, virtually military in its precision and siege-like quality.

“The spectacle that they organised around the destruction of the Babri Masjid was a high point following upon some years of this momentum of alternate dispersals and concentrations, virtually military in its precision and siege-like quality”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Typically some units of capital throw in their support for fascism early on, but more and more units of capital begin to cluster around it during fascism's coming to power; fascism's rise has to take on the appearance of inevitability before competing units of capital suspend their political squabbles and unite behind the rising power.

“What happens typically is that some units of capital throw in their support for fascism early on, but it is usually in the process of fascism's coming to power that more and more units of capital begin to cluster around it; fascism's rise has to take on the appearance of inevitability before competing units of capital suspend their political squabbles and unite behind the rising power.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

It was the combination of the questions of 1789 and 1917 which returned to haunt India in 1947 in one way, and China in 1949 in another way.

“it was the combination of the questions of 1789 and 1917 which returned to haunt India in 1947 in one way, China in 1949 in another way.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

RSS has always treated the urban petty bourgeoisie as the strategic class in the making of insurgencies in modern societies.

“it has always treated the urban petty bourgeoisie as the strategic class in the making of insurgencies in modern societies”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Rousseau did not quite resolve the problem, but in pointing to the incompatibility between property and equality he introduced an irreparable fissure within the body of Enlightenment thought.

“Rousseau did not quite resolve the problem, even on the level of thought, but in pointing to the incompatibility between property and equality he introduced an irreparable fissure within the body of Enlightenment thought.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Once the question of radical equality has been posed, nothing can escape the utopian ends of that questioning.

“once the question of radical equality has been posed, nothing can escape the utopian ends of that questioning.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Fascist monopoly over the unions made it impossible for workers to represent themselves in collective bargaining through other means, and sections of the working class began to cooperate with fascist rule.

“fascist monopoly over the unions, which made it impossible for workers to represent themselves in collective bargaining through other means, meant that sections of the working class began then to cooperate with fascist rule.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The idea of socialism is already there in the idea of democracy because citizens who are unequal in the property relation cannot be equals as subjects of and as subjects to the law.

“the idea of socialism is also already there in the idea of democracy because, as Rousseau puts it, citizens who are unequal in the propertyrelation cannot be equals as subjects of and as subjects to the law.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

French Jacobins may be credited with the revolutionary revisions of the meaning of subjecthood, whereby the idea of popular sovereignty is born.

“French Jacobins may be credited with the revolutionary revisions of the meaning of subjecthood, whereby the idea of popular sovereignty is born”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The issue of gender is not only a superstructural question or a question located in divisions between public and private, family and state, biological function and familial obligation; its own primary site connects the labour of producing material goods with the labour of reproducing the agents of human society.

“Nor is the issue of gender only a superstructural question, or a question located in divisions between the public and the private, the family and the state, biological function and familial obligation and oppression; it is distributed among these binary sites, but its own primary site is that which connects the labour of producing material goods with the labour of reproducing the agents of human”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

To say that over eighty per cent of India constitutes a majority community bound by a single religious system called Hinduism is, strictly speaking, nonsensical.

“To say, by contrast, that over eighty per cent of India constitutes a majority community bound by a single religious system called Hinduism is, strictly speaking, nonsensical.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Divisions of caste and sect and community in India are far too numerous, and what is provisionally called Hinduism has no institutional analogue for the Irani kind of religious authority.

“Not only are divisions of caste and sect and”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

RSS has displayed remarkable endurance, almost Gramscian in its will to defend its key positions by digging deep trenches.

“it has displayed remarkable endurance, almost Gramscian in its will to defend its key positions by digging deep trenches.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The political hegemony in Iran addressed issues not just of religious identity but of the monarchical institution, the expropriation of the big bourgeoisie, freedom from foreign economic and military domination, welfare guarantees for the mustazafin, strict controls over conspicuous consumption, and radical revisions of property relations.

“political hegemony in Iran addressed issues not just of religious identity but of the monarchical institution, the expropriation of the big bourgeoisie, freedom from foreign economic and military domination, welfare guarantees for the mustazafin, strict controls over the vulgarities of conspicuous consumption, radical revisions of property relations.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. It may state two separate claims as one.

Democracy presumes a secularist compact, and it is not liberal democracy that produces the secularist idea; it is the issue of secularism that produces the idea of equality in general, and therefore the idea of political democracy.

“Democracy, in other words, presumes a secularist compact, and it is not liberal democracy that produces the secularist idea; it is the issue of secularism—not just religious tolerance but the civil equality of denominationally different individuals and communities within a given society—that produces the idea of equality in general, and therefore the idea of political democracy.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The seeds of democracy are already there in the idea of secularism, because you cannot have popular sovereignty if the state represents a religious majority at the expense of the rights and liberties of a minority.

“the seeds of democracy are already there in the idea of secularism, because you cannot have popular sovereignty if the state represents a religious majority at the expense of the rights and liberties of a minority”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Historically, the word 'Subject' had meant being subjected to the power of the prince, the priest, the patriarch.

“Historically, the word 'Subject' had meant being subjected to the power of the prince, the priest, the patte r i d p pr ik ornly”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The truly revolutionary step that Rousseau takes is the second one, in which he asks whether citizens who make laws and obey those laws can in fact be equal subjects of the law if the distribution of material goods among them is unequal.

“the truly revolutionary step that Rousseau takes is the second one, in which he asks whether or not citizens who make laws and obey those laws, can in fact be equal subjects of the law, as makers of and as made by the laws, if the distribution of material goods among them is unequal.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The political discourse of the sangh has a ring of familiarity in a culture replete with authoritarian forms of religiosity.

“the political discourse of the sangh has a ring of familiarity in a culture replete with authoritarian forms of religiosity”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS along with its fronts and affiliates has a national project for the unmaking and remaking of India in its own image.

“RSSalong with its fronts and affiliates—has a national project for the unmaking and remaking of India in its own image”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

In every country where fascism has come to power or even close to power, the crucial elements have been: the size of the army of the unemployed and the misery of the working classes; the fear and disaffection of the petty bourgeoisie; an acute sense of real or imagined national injuries combined with a belief in past glories; the existence of social minorities and political radicals portrayed as 真

“In every country where fascism has come to power or even close to power, the crucial elements have been: the size of the army of the unemployed (including the educated unemployed) and the misery of the working classes; the fear and disaffection of the petty bourgeoisie caught between economic disintegration and inflation rates; an acute sense of real or imagined national injuries in the present,”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The RSS's incoherence is the classic ambition of fascist parties to be all things to all people.

“Trhe s n soco ot s as incoherence, since it is the classic ambition of fascist parties to be all things to all people.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Left parties on the one hand, the RSS and allied forces on the other, are the only ones that represent specific kinds of political culture.

“the Left parties on the one hand, the RSS and allied forces on the other, are the only ones that represent specific kinds of political culture”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

If the conformist strands of the Enlightenment appointed the bourgeois male individual as the rational Subject of meaning and experience, strands in the Radical Enlightenment were already pronouncing the impossibility of the birth of the Citizen-Subject in a class-divided society.

“if the conformist strands of the Enlightenment jubilantly appointed the bourgeois male individual as the rational Subject of meaning and experience, strands in the Radical Enlightenment were already pronouncing the impossibility of the birth of the”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The greater role of finance capital in the Nazi rise was owed to Germany's higher level of industrialisation and to Germany having the largest social democratic party in the world and, after the Soviet Union, the largest communist party in Europe, which together commanded the majority of votes as late as 1930.

“This was owed to the much higher level of industrialisation in Germany, but it was owed, equally, to the fact that Germany had the largest social dcmocratic party in the world and, after the Soviet Union, the largest communist party in Europe; together, they commanded the majority of votes as late as 1930.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

To the extent that the Left parties are restricted largely to their regional bases, the culture at large is wide open for imperceptible but cumulative shifts toward the positions of the sangh.

“to the extent that the Left parties are restricted largely to their regional bases, the culture at large is wide open for imperceptible but cumulative shifts toward the positions of the sangh, perhaps not on specific issues but in their generality.”