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After Confucius : Studies in Early Chinese Philosophy

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Goldin, Paul R.·2005
DOI 10.26530/oapen_625891
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The debts that I have accumulated in the course of writing this book are numerous, but I owe the most to my parents and to my wife,

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  • The basic issue in all these contexts is the natural and inevitable antagonism between the ruler and his ministers.

    “the basic issue in all these contexts is the natural and inevitable antagonism between the ruler and his ministers.”

    From Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi (2013) · cites this paper as Goldin 2005a

  • Gong is derived from the old word meaning 'patriarch' or 'duke', and by Han Fei's time it had come to refer more broadly to the interests of the ruler.

    “Gong is derived from the old word meaning 'patriarch' or 'duke' (Goldin 2005a : 185n. 6), and by Han Fei's time it had come to refer more broadly to the interests of the ruler.”

    From Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi (2013) · cites this paper as Goldin 2005a: 185n. 6

    The citation is attached to the claim that gong derives from an old word meaning “patriarch” or “duke.” The available passages from “Han Fei’s Doctrine of Self-Interest” (p. 58) explain gong as the ruler’s self-interest, but do not establish the cited etymology; searches for “patriarch,” “duke,” and the derivation did not locate it in our copy. (LLM, conf=0.68)

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  1. Trans. Oakes, 109. The original text appears in Weber's Gesammelte Aufsa Ètze zur Wissenschaftslehre, 331 f. See also Basic Concepts in Sociology, esp. 34±55; and ``U È ber einige Kategorien der verstehenden Soziologie,'' Gesammelte Aufsa Ètze zur Wissenschaftslehre, 427±474. 2. Ryle, 2, 480. See also ibid., 2, 474.
  2. A useful conspectus is Shaughnessy, New Sources of Early Chinese History. See also the extensive review by Giele. Qian Cunxun, 15±36, provides an overview of the ®eld current to the mid-1980s; Scarpari, ``Riscrivere la storia e la cultura della Cina antica,'' is more up to date.
  3. See especially chapter 88, ``Rulin zhuan'' ³; for a representative ex- ample, see Hanshu 88.3597.
  4. The most accessible overview of the philosophical orientation of this text is Knoblock and Riegel, 27±55. See also my review of that work in Early Medieval China 7 (2001), 109±139; and Cook, ``The Lu È shi chunqiu and the Resolution of Philosophical Dissonance.'' 41. Cf. Dong Zhi'an, ``Lu È shi chunqiu, '' 42. One could continue in this vein: since the speaker in Mao 87 is female, Zichan may be acknowledging Jin's supe- rior force by assuming a feminine voice, if a de®ant one. The same ode is used, to the same effect, in an exchange between representatives of Jin and Zheng in Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, 4, 1381 (Zhao 16 526 b.c.). Cf. Martin, ``La parole poe Ât- ique,'' 64; idem, ``Le Shijing, de la citation a Á l'allusion,'' 15; and Zeng Qinliang, 389±390. Granet, E Â tudes sociologiques sur la Chine, 76, berates traditional commen- tators for ®nding in Mao 87 ``je ne sais quel incident de politique seigneuriale,'' making no mention of its versatile usage in diplomatic discourse.
  5. Cheng zhi wen zhi, strips 31±33; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 168. Guo Yi, 211, and Ding Sixin, 304, both assert that similar notions are present in the ``Da Yu mo'' '¹@ chapter of the Shangshu, but I can ®nd no obvious parallel. Compare here Zun deyi, strips 5±6; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 173: ``Yu ordered his people in accordance with the Way of Humanity; Jie disordered his people in accor- dance with the Way of Humanity. Jie did not change Yu's people before he could disorder them; Tang did not change Jie's people before he could order them. The Sage orders the people by means of the Way of the people'' ¹åº »v@åºvÂ@¹uo@»uºu »u. 47. Cf. Li Zehou, 412 f.
  6. The story appears in ``Youzuo'' ¥P, Xunzi jijie 20.28.526±528. Cf. Li Ying- hua. Doubts about the authenticity of the ``Youzuo'' chapter go back to Yang Liang, who attributed it to Xunzi's disciples; see his comment to ``Youzuo,'' Xunzi jijie 20.28.520. Knoblock, 3, 237 f., presents the attractive argument that ``Youzuo'' is part of a corpus of traditional materials that Xunzi selected as a ``proper curric- ulum'' for Confucians. The implication in ``Youzuo'' that Heaven can be ®ckle and that an individual's talent and virtue do not by themselves guarantee success is hard to reconcile with Xunzi's philosophy as it is presented in the more reliable chapters of the book. See further Liang Tao, ``Zhujian Qiongda yi shi yu zaoqi rujia tianrenguan,'' 68±69; and Ning Chen, ``The Problem of Theodicy in Ancient China,'' 65 f.
  7. Knoblock and Riegel, 483. 122. Mencius 6A.4, Mengzi zhengyi 22.743±744. Cf. Goldin, Rituals of the Way, 35 f.; and Shun, 94±112. Chong, in his chapter, shows no awareness of the Guo- dian manuscripts. 123. Mencius 6A.3, Mengzi zhengyi 22.738±739. 124. Compare the translation in Lau, Mencius, 160±161. 125. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, 171, in what is still the most lucid account of this technique of disputation. 126. Dai Junren, 2, 1341, suggested this many years before the discovery of the tomb at Guodian. (See also 2, 1345±1348, and 3, 1848 ff.) 127. Mencius 6A.6, Mengzi zhengyi 22.748. 128. Compare the translation in Lau, Mencius, 162. 129. Zun deyi, strips 22±23; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 174. 130. Zun deyi, strips 36±37; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 174. This is apparently a quotation from ``Ziyi,'' strips 14±15; Guodian Chumu zhujian, 129. 131. Thus Liu Huan Û (a.d. 433±489), cited by Lu Deming x• (556± 627) in his commentary to ``Ziyi,'' Liji zhengyi 55.1647b. See also Cook, ``Cong li- engendered the Myriad Things'' ÀÀÉÉ,i; Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 29.
  8. The seminal work on Shen Buhai is Creel, Shen Pu-hai. See also Asano, 231±239; and Vandermeersch, 41 ff. et passim. Shen Buhai is still often overlooked and misunderstood. For example, in a serious and otherwise well-informed work, Lin Congshun, 128 ff., continually compares the ``Zhushu'' chapter to Han FeiÐ rather than to Shen Buhai, whom he almost never citesÐeven though Shen Buhai would bear out Lin's points more clearly. 23. See esp. ``Dingfa'' Õ, Han Feizi xin jiaozhu 17.43.957±964, wherein Han Fei offers a critical assessment of Shen Buhai and his famous contemporary Gong- sun Yang. Cf. Itano, 211 and 221;
  9. Creel, Shen Pu-hai, 349, fragment 1 (6), with a slightly different transla- tion. The source text is Qunshu zhiyao 36.630. See also chapter 6, below. (Shen Bu- hai's ``Dati'' is to be distinguished from the chapter 29 of the Han Feizi, which bears the same title.) 25. Cf. Wang Yunwu, 309 f.
  10. See Kennedy, A New History of Classical Rhetoric, 166±172; and Grube, 257±261. 12. Juvenal I.16, Persius III.45, both in Juvenal and Persius, trans. Ramsay. Cf. further Bonner, 22 ff.
  11. The most comprehensive discussion appears in chapter 12 of the Han Feizi, ``Shuinan.'' Cf. Xing Lu, 275±277; and Lloyd, 77 ff. See also chapter 3 above. 18. Institutio Oratoria III.8.34; trans. Butler, 497, slightly modi®ed. Ad Heren- nium III.2 makes a similar point: ``Deliberative speeches are either of the kind in which the question concerns a choice between two courses of action, or of the kind in which a choice among several is considered''; trans. Caplan, 157. Cf. Bon- ner, 53. 19. Zhanguo ce 3.117 f.; Crump, Chan-kuo Ts'e, § 57. (For the reader's conve- nience, the corresponding section numbers in Crump's translation will be pro- vided for all references to the Zhanguo ce, although the translation offered here will sometimes differ substantially.)
  12. Cf. Meng Xiangcai, 240 f.; and Sage, 113 ff. and 199±201. 22. Trans. Winterbottom, 2, 591.
  13. Crump, § 158. On Meng Ben, see chapter 6, note 61, below.
  14. Rhetoric II.xxiii.12; trans. John Henry Freese, 309. See Bonner, 61 f., for Roman examples. As variants of argumentum ad verecundiam, these are all informal fallacies. Cf. Copi, 80±81.
  15. Rhetoric I.ii.21 and II.xxiii.4; trans. Freese, 31 and 301. Similarly, some of the examples that Aristotle uses to illustrate ``stating the reason for the false im- pression'' (to legein te Ån aitian tou paradoxou: Rhetoric II.xxiii.24; trans. Freese, 319) could be classi®ed under Tiger and Fox.
  16. There may be a character missing here; Miao Wenyuan, 13, inserts hua k on the basis of an unspeci®ed edition.
  17. Le Blanc, Le Wen zi a Á la lumie Áre de l'histoire et de l'arche Âologie, 1±10; Chen Ligui, ``Shi jiu jinben Wenzi yu Huainanzi de bu chongxi neirong tuice guben Wenzi de jige sixiang lunti''; Zeng Dahui; and Zhang Fengqian. 15. Cf. Aihe Wang, 194. See also chapter 3 above.
  18. Kanaya overlooks this point in his study of the term, ``Mui to injun'' 3º hàª, Kanaya Osamu Chu Å goku shiso Å ronshu Å , 2, 353±365. ``Yinxun'' was also the title of a chapter of the Shen N zi; see Qunshu zhiyao 37.636. Cf. Dai Junren, 2, 859.
  19. Creel, Shen Pu-hai, 349, fragment 1 (6), with a slightly different transla- tion. The source text is Qunshu zhiyao 36.630. See chapter 3 above. Ames, The Art of Rulership, 239n.6, notes several classical antecedents to this passage, but both he and Ruan Tingzhuo overlook the oldest source, namely, Shen Buhai. See Svar- verud, 161n.28. 34. Following the commentary of Gao You. 35. Cf. Xu Fuguan, 2, 142 f. Hu Shi, ``Du Lu È shi chunqiu'' f%Ë (1930), in Hu Shi wencun, 3, 240 ff., demonstrates that this conception of statecraft had been mapped out carefully in the Lu È shi chunqiu, an important source for the Huai- nanzi. Cf. also Sellmann, 103±115; and Tian Fengtai, 139 ff. and 244 ff. Needless to say, in this formulation, running a string through an ox's nose is the opposite of ``following the nature of things.'' Therefore, despite the recent suggestions that the Zhuangzi text may have been redacted at the court of Liu An, we must keep in mind that the authors of the Huainanzi still felt free to allude to passages in the Zhuangzi in the course of formulating arguments that were en- tirely incompatible with that source. (For an allusion closer to the original spirit of ``Qiushui,'' see L 1.20.) For connections between the Zhuangzi and Huainanzi, see Roth, ``Who Compiled the Chuang-tzu?'' esp. 118 ff.; Le Blanc, ``From Ontology to Cosmogony; Rand, 7 f.; Dai Junren, 2, 898 ff.; Kusuyama; Wang Shumin, ``Huai- nanzi yu Zhuangzi ''; and Zhou Junfu. Le Blanc, Huai-nan Tzu, 83, shows that the text to which Huainanzi alludes most often is Zhuangzi.
  20. This is an approximation of what the context seems to demand. Fengyang I (lit. ``presenting nourishment'') usually implies ®lial conduct but can also mean simply ``way of life.'' 57. The examples of King Ling and King Goujian are commonplace in philo- sophical literature. See chapter 2, note 62, above.
  21. On the Five Phases generally, see Sivin, Traditional Medicine in Contempo- rary China, 70 ff.; and Major, ``Substance, Process, Phase.'' 99. Compare the translation in Major, Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought, 108±110. See also idem, ``Celestial Cycles and Mathematical Harmonics,'' 125 f. 100. For more on the ``Tianwen'' ) chapter, see esp. Major, Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought, 55±139, which provides a translation and commentary of the entire text. Cf. also Taki, 17±54; Fung, 1, 396 f.; Yang Molei; and Laloy, 514 f. 101. Cf. Major, Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought, 27; DeWoskin, ``Early Chinese Music and the Origins of Aesthetic Terminology,'' 194 f.; and idem, A Song for One or Two, 37 f. 102. Xun and chang V are measures of distance (one chang is equivalent to two xun); both are to be understood as terrible misses for an archer. Cf. Van- keerberghen, The Huainanzi and Liu An's Claim to Moral Authority, 190n.4. 103. See Ames, The Art of Rulership, 242n.40 f., for classical sources of these two anecdotes. See also Yimin Jiang, 45 ff. 104. See especially Le Âvi, ``Quelques examples de de Âtournement subversif de la citation dans la litte Ârature classique chinoise,'' 44±50. 105. ``Zhenglun,'' Xunzi jijie 12.18.333. See the discussion in Goldin, ``A Mind-Body Problem in the Zhuangzi?'' Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China, 224; and Sawada, ``Junshi to Ryoshi Shunju Å ni okeru ki,'' 85 f., both discuss this pas- sage but without considering its relevance to the mind-body problem. 106. Following the commentary of Yang Liang after the ®rst appearance of the term shan Å, Xunzi jijie 12.18.331. 107. Compare the translation in Knoblock, 3, 41. 108. Following the commentary of Chen Qiyou. 109. Creel, Shen Pu-hai, 364 f., fragment 16; the source text is ``Wai chushuo you shang,'' Han Feizi xin jiaozhu 13.34.775. Cf. Asano, 235. 110. Following the suggestion of Creel, Shen Pu-hai, 365. 111. There is a similar passage later in the chapter: ``When happiness and anger are formed in the heart and wishes and desires are apparent on the out- side, then those who hold of®ces will depart from rectitude and ¯atter their supe- riors'' b¼ÃÅ[)Æ]2¼qwÅâc? (L 9.299 f.; S 9.15a). For the emendation of zhe Å to zhi Æ, see the commentary of Wang Niansun. 112. See Ames, The Art of Rulership, for classical sources of these legends. 113. A quotation from Laozi 54; Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 85. 114. See the perceptive article by Griet Vankeerberghen, ``Emotions and Ac- tions of the Sage''; and idem, The Huainanzi and Liu An's Claim to Moral Authority, 105 ff. See further Roth, ``Evidence for Stages of Meditation in Early Taoism,'' 308 f. 115. Cf. especially Queen, 20 f., with whose conclusions this chapter is funda- mentally in agreement. 116. Shiji 130.3289. 117. Cf. Roth, ``Who Compiled the Chuang-tzu?'' 83 ff.; Zhang Shunhui, 5 ff. and 302 f.; and Dai Junren, 2, 892 ff. For an opposing view, see Queen, 10 f.
  22. Ban Zhao in Her Time and in Ours 1. See Xia Xiaohong, ``Gudian xinyi: Wan-Qing ren dui jingdian de jieshuo ÐYi Ban Zhao yu È Nu È jie wei zhongxin,'' Zhongguo xueshu 1.2 (2000), 87±89, as cited by Susan Mann in Swann, xi. 2. Ayscough, 263.
  23. Von Zach, 1, 133±135. 23. Liuchen zhu Wenxuan 9.28a; trans. Knechtges, Wen xuan or Selections of Re- ®ned Literature, 2, 177 (whose diction here is perhaps too Christian). See also idem, ``Poetic Travelogue in the Han fu,'' in Court Culture and Literature in Early China, 142 ff.
  24. Mitchell, x. After the introduction, Mitchell's book ceases to be pagi- nated, so it will be cited below by chapter number.
  25. Compare the review by Eoyang, 492; and further LaFargue, 256 f. and 273n.
  26. For the case of Bynner, who relied on at least fourteen different pub- lished translations, see Lattimore, 311 ff.; also Bynner, Selected Letters, 178 f. 17. Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 232 ff. 18. Miles, 26.
  27. Lau, Lao Tzu, 58, is similar: ``It ac- complishes its task yet lays claim to no merit. It is because it lays claim to no merit that its merit never deserts it.'' 23. Mitchell renders the relevant passage in chapter 2 as ``When her work is done, she forgets it. That is why it lasts forever.'' 24. Miles, 123. 25. Cf. Eoyang, 492 f. 26. Le Guin, 124. 27. Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 169 ff.
  28. Henricks, Lao-tzu Te-Tao Ching, 40, renders it more clearly: ``To think you have no rival is to come close to losing my treasures.'' ``My treasures,'' on this interpretation, are compassion H, frugality É, and not presuming to be the leader of the world bº)r, enumerated in chapter 67, Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 160. 30. Le Guin, 89. 31. Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 262 ff.
  29. Thus Hinton, 894. My example from chapter 51, below, is also taken from this review. Ames, ``Putting the Te back into Taoism,'' 121±131, contends that even specialists have neglected to account for de in studies of Daoist philosophy. There is even a translation by a native speaker of Chinese that deletes de from the title of the book: Wang Keping, The Classic of the Dao. 44. Mitchell, vii.
  30. Mitchell's translation evinces a pronounced fondness for green causes, and at times such allusions are forced into the text in purposefully jarring lan- guage. E.g., chapter 46: ``When a country is in harmony with the Tao, the factories make trucks and tractors. When a country goes counter to the Tao, warheads are stockpiled outside the cities.'' 53. Cf. Bradbury, 37. 54. Boshu Laozi jiaozhu, 237.
  31. Compare the review by Ann-Ping Chin, 38. 56. Le Guin, 111.
  32. Chan, The Way of Lao Tzu, 144. 59. Le Guin, 34. 60. Ibid., 114 f. Compare the review by Herman, 687; and idem, ``Daoist Envi- ronmentalism in the West,'' 398.
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Authors
Goldin, P. R.
Corresponding author
Goldin, Paul R.
Publisher
University of Hawai'i / Hawai‘i Press
Published
2005
DOI
10.26530/oapen_625891
OpenAlex
W1524101947
Cited by
30
References
0
Citations by year
2021: 1 · 2020: 4 · 2019: 3 · 2018: 1 · 2017: 1 · 2016: 4 · 2015: 1 · 2014: 1 · 2012: 8
FWCI
1.86
Type
book
Language
en
Open access
Licence
Locations
  • Project Muse (Johns Hopkins University) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
  • BiblioBoard Library Catalog (Open Research Library) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
  • OAPEN (The OAPEN Foundation) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
  • ScholarSpace (University of Hawaii at Manoa) (submittedVersion, cc-by-nc-nd)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Philosophy › Classical Philosophy and Thought
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Philosophy › Philosophy and Historical Thought
Keywords
early Chinese philosophy, Confucius, thick description, Gilbert Ryle, circulation of ideas, cultural codes, Warring States period, pre-Qin philosophy

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