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The Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary [T1775] by Sengzhao et alii and the Chinese Conquest of Buddhism

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Baggio, Giacomo·2019·University of Groningen research database (University of Groningen / Centre for Information Technology)

Abstract

The arising of a new awareness: from geyi 格義 to textual study By the time he moved to Chang'an Dao'an was already deeply aware of the pitfalls and shortcomings of the earlier exegetical techniques aiming at making sense of the often obscure and even abstruse Buddhist texts in Chinese translation such as the "matching concepts" (geyi 格 義).This expedient consisted in "correlating the enumerations of items (shishu 事數) 98 in the sūtras with [comparable lists of notions found in] non-Buddhist writings for the purpose of generating understanding" 99 .Dao'an had learned this approach from Zhu Faya 竺法雅 (1 st half 4 th cent.) 100 between 335 and 348 101 while residing in Ye 鄴 (near Linzhang 臨漳, in Southern 95 昔晉氏平吳,利在二陸。今破漢南,獲士裁一人有半耳 (Xi Zuochi's biography 習鑿齒傳, in Jin Shu 晉書 vol.82).This fact is differently reported in Dao'an's biography in Gaoseng zhuan [T2059]: "[Dao]an and [the Jin commander and governor of the Jin 晉 fortress of Xiang Yang 襄陽] Zhu Xu were both captured by [Fu] Jian.[Fu] Jian said to the vice director of the Department of State Affairs Quan Yi: 'I took [the city of] Xiangyang employing a hundred thousand divisions and I only obtained a man and a half.[Quan] Yi asked: 'Whom?' Jian replied 'The one man is Dao'an, while Xi Zuochi is the half man'" 「安與朱序俱獲於堅。堅謂僕射權翼曰:"朕以十萬之師取 襄陽,唯得一人半。"翼曰:"誰耶?"堅曰:"安公一人,習鑿齒半人也。"」(vol.5, p. 352, c25-28) 96 The best account of Dao'an and his equipe's translation activity in Chang'an is found in Palumbo's study on the translation of the Ekottarikāgama 增一阿含經 and its commentary, the Fenbie gongde lun 分別功德論 (Palumbo, 2013).See also Ren Jiyu 1985, p. 181 and Tang Yongtong 2000, vol. 1, p. 167.For a historical study on Fu Jian and his rule see Rogers 1968.97 This new phase is described by Zürcher as follows: "[...] a new chapter in the history of Northern Buddhism [...] characterized by a renewed influx of missionaries, scriptures and ideas from Central Asia and India, huge translation projects, state patronage and supervision, and the emergence of a body of scriptural and scholastic literature (Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna) together with a new method of exegesis and a new translation technique" (Zürcher 2007, p. 114) 98 The term shishu 事數 is used in Shishuo xinyu , Wenxue 59 (cf.Yu Jiaxi 1993, p. 210) and clearly explained in

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Written from a shortened version of the paper’s full text (it is longer than we read).

TL;DR

This dissertation analyzes the collective *Vimalakīrtinirdeśa* commentary T1775, traditionally ascribed to Sengzhao but containing annotations by Kumārajīva, Sengzhao, Daosheng, and Daorong, as a case study in the Chinese appropriation of Buddhism. It argues that the commentary’s translation and exegetical practices show Chinese exegetes actively reshaping Indian Buddhist materials rather than passively receiving them.

Key findings

  • T1775 is a multilayered interlinear commentary on Kumārajīva’s 406 translation; Kumārajīva’s portion likely records oral exegesis from the translation assembly, with 28 references to the Sanskrit text and ten preserved audience questions.
  • Kumārajīva’s exegesis combines transliteration and explanation to mediate between domesticating and foreignizing translation, explains Sanskrit terms and etymologies, uses numerical categories and Indian social/cultural lore, and sometimes criticizes renderings later adopted differently by Xuanzang.
  • Sengzhao’s annotations include original philosophical passages in parallel prose, paraphrases of Kumārajīva, and independent explanations drawing on Xuanxue and texts such as Laozi, Zhuangzi, and Yijing, including the “Perfect Man” figure; Daosheng’s commentary uses Xuanxue language theory to look through words toward truth and anticipates Buddha-nature and *li* ideas.
  • The collective commentary’s textual history suggests materials circulated separately, were likely assembled under the Southern Liang (502–557), possibly by Emperor Wu; Daoye’s mid-Tang *Guanzhong shu* (completed 760, revised 765) revived it; Northern Song scholars revised and collated the 10-fascicle T1775 for printing.

Methods

  • Historical-philological and hermeneutical study of T1775, its prefaces, Dunhuang/Turfan manuscripts, catalogues, travel diaries, and related versions (T474, T475, T476) and later commentaries.
  • Close reading and comparative analysis of translation choices, exegetical formats, doctrinal content, and editorial/transmission evidence, contextualized within the authors’ biographies and Chinese intellectual background.

Limitations

  • The author states he did not systematically compare T1775 with later Chinese commentaries, did not deeply investigate Indian Buddhist exegetical or preaching influences because Indian sources are scarce, and deferred a dedicated linguistic appendix to future work.
  • Evident from the text: the study is deliberately sinological and focuses on the Chinese cultural milieu, so Indian context is secondary; some transmission claims rest on sources the text itself flags as uncertain, such as Fei Zhangfang’s catalogue and Chikō’s source.

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Crossref · 10.33612/diss.94589377

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89 Sources not found · 85 Own interpretation · 50 No basis given · 38 Not checked yet · 26 Own result · 4 No full text of the sources

Show all 76 claims

  • Probably not a substantial claim. 139
  • It may state two separate claims as one. 150
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 2
216 of 216
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In China, classical texts were commonly read with the aid of commentaries at least since the second century AD, and commentary was the genre in which most Chinese thinkers exercised their talents.

    “in China classical texts were commonly read with the aid of commentaries at least since the second century AD, and commentary was actually the genre in which most Chinese thinkers exercised their talents.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary is one of the main sources we possess on the thought of the early 5th century.

    “which is one of the main sources we possess on the thought of that period.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    No comprehensive study has been dedicated to the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary.

    “the fact that so far no comprehensive study has been dedicated to it made it worth (if not even necessary) to undertake the task.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The majority of Chinese Classics are very short and compact, and this laconic style was highly praised by literati.

    “As a matter of fact, the majority of the Chinese Classics (e.g. the Confucian Analects, the Laozi, Sunzi's Art of War) are very short in size and compact in their exposition, and since very early times this essential and laconic style was particularly praised by literati.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The practice of qingtan was extremely popular among northern gentry families resettled in the Yangtze delta during the 4th and 5th centuries.

    “which was extremely popular among the members of the northern gentry families who had re-settled in the Yangtze delta during the 4 th and 5 th centuries.”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The study of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary directly relates to the narrative, literary features and philosophical content of the sūtra itself.

    “Given that the study of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary I am about to undertake directly relates to the narrative, the literary features and the philosophical content of the sūtra itself”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Sengrui was one of Kumārajīva's closest collaborators and served as scribe for many of his translations, also writing prefaces to many of them.

    “Sengrui was one of the closest collaborators of Kumārajīva and acted as scribe in the translation of many fundamental scriptures delivered by the Kuchean master, writing also prefaces to many of them.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Xuanzang's translations, despite his fame and popularity, were appreciated only by a restricted group of specialized readers with advanced and specific understanding of Indian Buddhism.

    “However, Xuanzang's fame and popularity notwithstanding, his translations were appreciated only by a restricted group of”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In the early fifth century, it was still hard for the Chinese to deal with a language whose script was based on sounds rather than visual meaningful units like Chinese characters.

    “In the early fifth century it must have been still hard for the Chinese to come to terms with the many problems deriving from dealing with a language whose script was based on sounds (phonograms) rather than visual meaningful units like the Chinese characters (logograms).”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Before Kumārajīva arrived in Chang'an, Chinese Buddhists had only a very vague and approximate idea of the Indian milieu in which Buddhism arose and developed.

    “No doubt, before Kumārajīva's arrival in Chang'an the Chinese Buddhists had a very vague and approximate idea of the Indian milieu in which Buddhism as a religion and a way of life arose and developed;”
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    Hyegwan met both Fukuryō and his son Chizō at Jizang's place.

    “however, it is probably safe to assume that Hyegwan had met both Fukuryō and his son Chizō at Jizang's place.”
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Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.

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Citations

Cites

Show all 47 references

Research works printed but not linked: 176

  1. Cf. Zeng yi ahan jing 增壹阿含經 [T125], vol. 1, p. 549, a17-18 166 Cf. Sengjialuocha suo ji jing 僧伽羅剎所集經 [T194], vol. 1, p. 115, c5-6 167
  2. Cf. Zun Poxumi pusa suo ji lun 尊婆須蜜菩薩所集論 [T1549], vol. 1, p. 721, a29-b1 168
  3. Cf. Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 13, p. 99, c11-14. On Fahe's movements after leaving Dao'an's translation group in Chang'an see Palumbo 2013, pp. 64 -66 169 Cf. Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], vol. 5, p. 354, a26 170 Cf. Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], vol. 2, p. 332, b29-c3 171
  4. Cf. the anonymous preface to the Commentary on a Compendium of the Four Āgamas (Si ahanmu chao jie 四阿 鋡暮抄解 [T1505], vol. 1, p. 1, a14-16); see also Sengyou's record on the production of the same scripture -which is here called Compendium of the Four Āgamas (Si ahanmu chao jing 四阿鋡暮抄經) (Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 2, p. 10, b13) 172
  5. Cf. 予既知命遇此真化 (Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 8, p. 53, a28-p. 52, c28) 173
  6. Cf. 「沙門僧叡才識高朗,常隨什傳寫。」(Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 14, p. 101, c7) 174 Cf. for ex. Zhanran's 湛然 words 「"關中四子"即生、肇、融、叡,後人承用"四子"之義」《法華玄 義釋籤》卷 3 (CBETA, T33, no. 1717, p. 837, b1-2); see also the Song monk Zhiyuan 智圓: 「什公門下有十哲、 八俊、四聖。肇皆預焉。生、肇、融、叡為四聖。」《涅槃玄義發源機要》卷 2 (CBETA, T38, no. 1766, p. 23, b6-7) 175
  7. Cf. for ex. Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 14, p. 101, c7-13 and Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], vol. 6, p. 364, b2-6 176 Cf. Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], p. 364, a25-b2 186 Cf. Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 9, p. 64, c13-4) 187 See Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], vol. 7, p. 371, a17-29 188
  8. Cf. Ming seng zhuan chao 名僧傳抄 [X1523], vol. 1, p. 346, a19 // Z 2B:7, p. 1, a16 // R134, p. 1, a16 189 Cf. Chu sanzang jiji [T2145], vol. 8, p. 53, b7-10) 190 On this important topic see Wang Wenyan 1984 (particularly pp. 218 -235), Cao Shibang 1992, Xiao Shichang 2010 (pp. 181 -252) and Zacchetti 1996 (particularly pp. 365 -369) 191 We read for example in Buddhabhadra's biography that "the Qin sovereign Yao Xing focused on the [study of] Buddhist dharma, [and] supported more than three thousand monks" 「秦主姚興專志佛法,供養三千餘僧」 (Buddhabhadra's biography, in Gaoseng zhuan [T2059], vol. 2, p. 334, b27) 192 For a discussion of Yao Xing's religious policy see LI Gang 2010, pp. 216 -219 312 「設大施會者,關河舊解云:"其家祖父邪見,世世恒修邪祠。下祠用羊,中祠宰牛,上祠用人。善得 教化,絕此邪祠,勸修正道,行真檀施。其家大富,四事豐饒。營斯大會,供養一切出家、在家、內道、 外道及諸貧賤。來者無隔,供給所須。期滿七日」《維摩經略疏》卷 6〈菩薩品 4〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1778, p. 647, a6-12) 313
  9. 「憶所修福」《注維摩詰經》卷 5〈文殊師利問疾品 5〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 375, b27) 314 什曰。外國法,從生至終所作福業,一 一書記。若命終時,傍人為說,令其恃福,心不憂畏也。《注維 摩詰經》卷 5〈文殊師利問疾品 5〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 375, b27-29) 315 肇曰。恐新學菩薩為疾所亂。故勸憶所修福,悅其情也。《注維摩詰經》卷 5〈文殊師利問疾品 5〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 375, b29-c1) 316 The topic of "Buddhism and healing" has been discussed (mainly on the basis of Chinese sources) by Demé ville (Demé ville 1985). In this work the scholar frequently quotes from the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (cf. particularly pp. 26 - 28);
  10. The tridoṣa (san da bing 三大病) -translated in Chinese also as san neizai 三內災 ("the three internal calamities") and san du 三毒 ("the three poisons") -are the pathological Wind (Skt. vāta, vāyu), Phlegm (or Cold) (Skt. śleṣman), and Bile (or Heat) (Skt. pitta)) (cf. Demé ville 1985, p. 65 -71). On the tridoṣa in Chinese Buddhist translations and the problems involved in the translation of Indian medical terms in Chinese see also Salguero 2014, pp. 58 -59 and 80 -81. 319 In Sanskrit respectively Pṛthivī, Ap, Tejas and vāta or vāyu. 320 Zengsun 增損 ("imbalance", lit. "augmentation or diminution") stands for the Sanskrit parivarta (lit. "subversion") (cf. Demé ville 1985, p. 72) 321 什曰。外道經書唯知有三大病,不知地大。佛法中說四大病。病之所生,生於四大增損。四大增損,必
  11. …。」《注維摩詰經》卷 5〈文殊師利問疾品 5〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 371, c20-23) 359 「此不可思議,自在神通,決定實相經典。」《維摩詰所說經》卷 3〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 475, p. 556, a3-4) 360 「如是所說不可思議,自在神變,解脫法門。」《說無垢稱經》卷 6〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 476, p. 585, c14-15) 361 「若此純法化者」《佛說維摩詰經》卷 2〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 474, p. 535, b13) 362 「依於諸法實相之義。」《維摩詰所說經》卷 3〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 475, p. 556, b29) 363 「真實法義之所歸依,」《說無垢稱經》卷 6〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 476, p. 586, c12) 364 「為入有義法之正要」《佛說維摩詰經》卷 2〈法供養品 13〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 474, p. 536, a5-6) 365 See on this Tang Yongtong 2000, vol. 1, p. 236 366 Acconding to Da zhidu lun, the three terms 如, 法性 and 實際 represent the absolute in its real aspect; like the nirvāṇa, they are unconditioned dharmas (changfa 常法) (cf. T1509 p. 171, b22-23 and p. 271, c27-29). On the substantial coincidence of these three terms cf. the following passage 「問曰:如、法性、實際,是三事為一? 為異?若一,云何說三?若三,今應當分別說!答曰:是三皆是「諸法實相」異名。所以者何?凡夫無智, 於一切法作邪觀,所謂常、樂、淨、實、我等。佛弟子如法本相觀,是時不見常,是名無常;不見樂,是 名苦;不見淨,是名不淨;不見實,是名空;不見我,是名無我。若不見常而見無常者,是則妄見;見苦、 空、無我、不淨亦如是,是名為如。如者,如本,無能敗壞。以是故,佛說三法為法印,所謂一切有為法 無常印、一切法無我印、涅槃寂滅印。」《大智度論》卷 32〈序品 1〉 (CBETA, T25, no. 1509, p. 297, c14- 24). Cf. also the following lines up to p. 298, a10. 367 「法同如、法性、實際」《注維摩詰經》卷 2〈弟子品 3〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 346, c26) 368 轉:〔副〕(1) 常用在形容詞前,有時也用在動詞前,表示程度的變化較前為甚,可譯作"更加"、"愈加" 等 (Dong Zhiqiao and Cai Jinghao 1994) 448 "大凡釋章句之注疏(此為文疏之始),其文較繁。出大意之注疏(此為義疏之始),其文必簡[…] 前 者釋文而繁,後者談義而略" (Tang Yongtong 2000, vol. 1, p. 416) 449 See on this the following important passage from Jizang's Fahua Xuanlun:「及羅什至長安,翻新《法華》竟, 道融講之開為九轍。時人呼為"九轍法師"。九轍之文,今所未見。講新《法花》始乎融也。」《法華玄 論》卷 1 (CBETA, T34, no. 1720, p. 363, c11-13) 450 On the evolution of the Confucian yishu genre see Mou Runsun 1984, pp. 40 -55, Zhang Baosan 2001, Makehan 2003, pp. 86 et seq. + appendix D; Van Zoeren, pp. 124 -130;
  12. Dai Junren 1970 and Qiao Xiuyan 2013 (a) 451 In the introduction to his Lotus Sūtra Commentary Daosheng explains the process through which his work was composed: "In my youth, I had the opportunity to attend some lectures sitting humbly in the end row of the hall. […] Since what is stored in one's memory does not [endure] like mustard-seed kalpa and rock kalpa, one would find it impossible to keep it intact forever. Somehow on the days when there were lectures I just jotted down what I had heard of during the day (疏錄所聞). […] Then, during the third month in the spring of the ninth year of the Yuan- chia era (432 A.D.), while residing at the Tung-lin ("Eastern Grove") Monastery (ching-she) on Lu-shan, again I put them in order and rearranged them (又治定之). In addition, after collecting and consulting various versions (採訪眾 本), I edited them into one roll" (transl. from Kim 1990, pp. 348 -349). 452 Cf. 「尋天竺之與震旦,著筆之與口傳,敷經講論者不出二種:一者科章門,二者直解釋。如天親解《涅 槃》有七分,龍樹釋《般若》無章門,蓋是天竺論師開、不開之二類也。河西製《涅槃疏》開為五門,道 融講新《法華》類為九轍,至如集解《淨名》之說、撰注《法華》之文,但拆其玄微又不豫科起盡,蓋是 震旦諸師開、不開兩義也。」《法華義疏》卷 1〈序品 1〉 (CBETA, T34, no. 1721, p. 452, b16-23) 463 「愛好玄微,每以莊老為心要。」《高僧傳》卷 6 (CBETA, T50, no. 2059, p. 365, a10-11) 464 「嘗讀老子德章,乃歎曰。美則美矣。然期 (read as 棲) 神冥累之方,猶未盡善也。」《高僧傳》卷 6 (CBETA, T50, no. 2059, p. 365, a10-13) 465 "後見舊維摩經,歡喜頂受。披尋翫味,乃言:'始知所歸矣!'因此出家" 466 Cf. Zhaolun 肇論 [T1858], p. 152, b7-8; p. 152, b9-10 and p. 152, b23-24. 467 「不面在昔,佇想用勞」《肇論》卷 1 (CBETA, T45, no. 1858, p. 155, b23) 468 「"勞乎文殊師利!不面在昔,辱來相見" 」《佛說維摩詰經》卷 1〈5 諸法言品〉 (CBETA, T14, no. 474, p. 525, c2-3) 469 「學善方等,兼通三藏,及在冠年而名振關輔。時競譽之徒,莫不猜其早達。或千里趍負(read with variant 負糧)入關抗辯。肇既才思幽玄,又善談說。承機挫銳,曾不流滯。時京兆宿儒及關外英彥,莫不挹 其鋒辯,負氣摧䘐」《高僧傳》卷 6 (CBETA, T50, no. 2059, p. 365, a9-19) 470 「姚興命肇與僧叡等入逍遙園,助詳定經論。肇以去聖久遠,文義多 (read with variant 舛) 雜,先舊所解, 時有乖謬」《高僧傳》卷 6 (CBETA, T50, no. 2059, p. 365, a21-23) 471 Cf. Bailun xu 百論序 T1569, p. 167, c11-p. 168, a14; Zhu Weimojiejing xu 注維摩詰經序 T1775, p. 327, a13- b18; Chang Ahanjing xu 長阿含經 T1, p. 1, a4-b6; Fanwang jing xu 梵網經 T1484, p. 997, a18-b5. 472 「讀之稱善,乃謂肇曰:"吾解不謝子,辭當相挹"」《高僧傳》卷 6 (CBETA, T50, no. 2059, p. 365, a25- 26) 473 披尋:閱讀、研究。猶"披味" (Wang Yunlu and Fang Yixin 1992, pp. 302 -303) 474 更:〔副〕(1) 表示轉折的語氣。可譯為"卻"、"反而" (Ding Zhiqiao and Cai Jinghao 1994). Cf. also Cai Jinghao 1990, pp. 117 -118. 475 往復: 指賓主問答、清談;爭論、辯難 (Wang Yunlu and Fang Yixin 1992, pp. 378 -380) 476 Sengzhao is also credited with having been praised by Kumārajīva as "having reached a thorough understanding of [Buddhist] emptiness" 解空第一 (such information is related in Zhaolun shu 肇論疏 [T1859] by the Tang commentator Yuankang 元康 who quotes it from the now lost Mingseng zhuan 名僧傳) 517 肇曰。夫萬事萬形,皆四大成。在外則為土木山河,在內則為四支百體。聚而為生,散而為死。生則為 內,死則為外。內外雖殊,然其 (read as 四) 大不異。《注維摩詰經》卷 2〈方便品 2〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 341, b29-c3) 518 故以內外四大,類明無我也。如外地古今相傳,強者先宅,故無主也,身亦然耳,眾緣所成:緣合則起, 緣散則離。何有真宰常主之者?主、壽、人是一我。義立四名也。《注維摩詰經》卷 2〈方便品 2〉 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 341, c3-7) 519 See for example Zhuangzi: "Life is the companion of death; death is the beginning of life. Who understands their workings? Man's life is a coming-together of breath. If it comes together, there is life; if it scatters, there is death. And if life and death are companions to each other, then what is there for us to be anxious about? 生也死之徒,死 也生之始,孰知其紀!人之生,氣之聚也;聚則為生,散則為死。若死生為徒,吾又何患!(Zhuangzi 莊子, Zhi beyou 知北遊) 520 「肇曰。既得法身入無為境。心不可以智求。形不可以像取。故曰無量。六住已下名有量也。」《注維
  13. 「維摩經開 (read as 關) 中疏 記一部五卷 (文襲禪師造)」《常曉和尚請來目錄》卷 1 (CBETA, T55, no. 2163, p. 1069, b25-26); 「同[ i.e.凈 名]關中疏記五卷 (無量義寺大(read as 文) 襲撰)」《東域傳燈目錄》卷 1 (CBETA, T55, no. 2183, p. 1151, c18- 19) 729 These seven commentarial works are: 1.「維摩經疏一部四卷 (開中 (read as 關中) 道液法師造);2. 維摩經釋 批 (read as 抄) 一部三 (read with variant 二) 卷 (開中 (read as 關中) 道液法師造);3. 維摩經開中 (read as 關中) 疏記一部五卷 (文襲禪師造);4. 維摩經略例一部二卷 (智深法師造);5. 維摩經玄旨一卷 (漢涌法師造);6. 維 摩經開 (read as 關) 中疏科文一卷 (開 (read as 關) 中道液法師造);7. 維摩經五教義一卷 (文襲禪師造)」《常 曉和尚請來目錄》卷 1 (CBETA, T55, no. 2163, p. 1069, b23-c1) 745 This topic has been previously dealt with by Hanazuka (cf. Hanazuka 1982, pp. 207 -211); the Japanese scholar had collected the materials from works by Zhiyi, Jizang, Zhanran and Chikō which I quote here. In this section I reexamine those sources, add new ones, and enrich the discussion on the topic by providing additional information (e.g. on the Buddhist editorial activities undertaken under Liang Wudi and on Chikō's doctrinal background and his exegetical activity). 746 The content of this text was orally delivered by Zhiyi (538 -597) and then transcribed by his disciple Guanding 灌頂 (561 -627). 747 Cf. Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀 [T1911], p. 132, b12-19 748
  14. It must be pointed out that before the Tang the term Guanzhong shu 關中疏 indicated two different texts, i.e. the collective Annotated Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (this is the case in our quote) and the Nirvāṇasūtra Commentary by Daosheng 道生 (Cf. Guanding's 灌頂 Niepanjing xuanyi wenju 涅槃經玄義文句 [X656], p. 40, a23-b4 // Z 1:56, p. 179, d12-17 // R56, p. 358, b12-17 749 Cf. Zhu Weimojiejing 注維摩詰經 [T1775], p. 351, a13-19 782 "Li Fan, who lived under the Tang, said that the attribution [of this collection to Sengzhao (?)] has been made by later literati" 唐李繁頗言此注後人依託者 (Chao Gongwu 1990, pp. 775 -776) 783
  15. Quan Tang shi 全唐詩 (1705), vol. 342, n. 23 (Original title: "Addressed to Zhu Gejue, [suggesting him] to go to Suizhou for studying on [Li Fan's] books (at that time Li Fan was the Regional Inspector of Suizhou; [he was the son of] the Grand Councilor [Li] Bi)" 送諸葛覺往隨州讀書 (李繁時為隨州刺史,宰相泌之子也)) 十四日果於荻港之上遇大風暴。起船將覆,沒者數四,僅而獲全。即先言風水之日,夢 中稱曰江饒。舉家脫魚腹之葬,不亦幸乎?屆于京師,遍令求訪《維摩經》十卷者,咸 曰:"無之"。不數月,余於所親處覩一經函。發而視之,即《維摩經》一部十卷。 懿夫,金文玉偈之殊勝,海藏龍宮之守護,功德之力,其昭昭乎!其昭昭乎!愚冥之徒 不能起信,深可悲矣!因擇工人,俾之彫刻。志願散施,貴廣傳布,用標靈異。直紀歲 時:聖宋淳化四年八月十五日 道德里序《注維摩詰經》卷 10 (CBETA, T38, no. 1775, p. 419, c14-p. 420, a3) In the year 982 at the beginning of winter I was ordered to go back [to the capital Bianjing 汴 京 (the present-day Kaifeng 開封, Henan Province)] from my position of Rectifier of Omissions of the Right, Auxiliary in the Historiography Office and Jiangnan Transport Commissioner. [Hence] I took a boat with all my family and went down the river. It was October 28 when we moored at the side of Hukou. As the night was falling, a man approximatively on his fifties with fisherman-like dress and appearance greeted us from the river bank. He said: "For generations [my kin] has been living by the river (shuiju 水居) ([original annotation:] in the South there are people living on boat houses, they are called shuiju) and I am able to foreknow [the changes of] wind and water"; he took out from his sleeve a Navigation Chart and offered it [to me] while saying: "On the 14 th day of this month (i.e. November 2) there will be a storm". I made a detailed record in order to remember that unusual event. Moreover, for several nights I dreamed a man dressed in a black robe who emerged from the water with half of his body. He referred to himself as Jiangrao (lit. "Mercy of the river") and wanted [to obtain] the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa [Commentary] in 10 fascicles. I woke up finding [the dream] extraordinary. Indeed, on the 14 th day of the month over Digang we run into a storm which lifted the boat [to the point that] it was about to capsize. Four people drowned but we luckily survived.
  16. On Xia Song 夏竦 see his biography in Song History 宋史 (vol. 283, Biographies 列傳, n. 42) and the Funerary Stele of Xia Song aka Mr. Wenzhuang 夏文莊公竦神道碑銘 by Wang Gui 王珪 (preserved in Huayang ji 華陽集, vol 47). A useful chronology of Xia Song's life is provided in Sun Gang 2014. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abe, Ryūichi 2007, «Scholasticism, Exegesis, and Ritual Practice On Renovation in the History of Buddhist Writing in the Early Heian Period» , in Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens, and Stacie Matsumoto (eds.) 2007, Heian Japan, Centers and peripheries, University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu, pp. 179 -211
  17. Assmann, Jan and Gladigow, Burkhard (eds.) 1995, Text und Kommentar (Archäologie der literarischen Kommunikation), Wilhelm Fink Verlag, Munich
  18. Baggio, Giacomo 2010, «Il trattato Vacuità del non-assoluto 不真空論 di Sengzhao 僧肇: analisi e traduzione» , in Phoenix in domo Foscari (n. 2), pp. 7 -68
  19. Balazs, Étienne 1967, «Nihilistic Revolt or Mystical Escapism: Currents of Thought in China during the Third Century a.d.» , in Balazs, Étienne, Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy: Variations On A Theme, Yale University Press, New Heaven and London
  20. Boucher, Daniel 1996, Buddhist Translation Procedures in Third Century China: a Study of Dharmarakṣa and his Translation Idiom, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Pennsylvania ─── 2000, «On Hu and Fan Again: The Transmission of 'Barbarian' Manuscripts to China», Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies ─── 2006, «Dharmarakṣa and the Transmission of Buddhism to China» , Asia Major, v. 19, n. 1/2 (2006): 13 -37
  21. Brose, Benjamin 2006, «Crossing Thousands of LI of Waves: the Return of China's Lost Tiantai Texts, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies» , vol. 29, n. 1 (2006/2008): 21 -62
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  23. Carré , Patrick (transl.) 2004, Introduction aux pratiques de la non-dualité , Commentaire du Soûtra de la Liberté inconcevable, Fayard, Paris ─── (transl.) 2013, Soutra de la Liberté Inconcevable -Les enseignements de Vimalakīrti, Fayard, Paris Chan, Alan 1991, Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-Shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-Tzu, SUNY Press, New York
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  25. Chen Yinque 陳寅恪 2001 (a), «Zhi Mindu xueshuo kao» 支敏度學說考, Chen Yinke ji - Jinmingguan conggao chubian 陳寅恪集 -金明館叢稿初編, Sanlian shudian, Beijing, pp. 159 - 187 ─── 2001 (b), Dushu zhaji san ji 讀書札記三集, Sanlian shudian, Beijing ─── 2011, Chen Yinque Wei Jin Nanbenchao shi jiangyan lu 陳寅恪魏晉南北朝史講演錄, Guizhou renmin chubanshe, Guiyang
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  27. Cheung, Martha P. Y. 2014, An anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation -Volume One: From Earliest Times to the Buddhist Project, Routledge, London and New York Chi Limei 池麗梅 2001, «Tonkō shahon Yuimakitsukōge» 敦煌写本『維摩詰経解』, in Indogaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 50.1 (December, 2001), pp. 294 -292
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  33. Declerque, Dominik 1998, Writing against the State, E. J. Brill, Leiden Demié ville, Paul 1973, Choix d'Étude Bouddhiques, E. J. Brill, Leiden ─── 1985, Buddhism and Healing -Demiéville's Article "Byō" from Hōbōgirin (trasl. by Mark Tatz), University Press of America, Lanham -New York -London ─── 1986, « Philosophy and Religion from Han to Sui» , in John K. Fairbank and Denis Twitchett (eds.) Cambridge History Of China, 1, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 808 -878
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Baggio, G.
Corresponding author
Baggio, Giacomo
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University of Groningen research database (University of Groningen / Centre for Information Technology)
Published
2019-09-19
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W2971551375
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2024: 1
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dissertation
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en
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  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Language and Linguistics › Classical Studies and Philology
Keywords
Sengzhao, Dao'an, Chinese Buddhist exegesis, textual research, Chinese translation of Buddhist texts, Chinese Buddhism, Buddhist sutra commentary, Chang'an

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Baggio, G. (2019). The Vimalakīrtinirdeśa Commentary [T1775] by Sengzhao et alii and the Chinese Conquest of Buddhism. University of Groningen research database (University of Groningen / Centre for Information Technology). https://doi.org/10.33612/diss.94589377