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Claims of Buddhist Relics in the Eastern Han Tomb Murals at Horinger: Issues in the Historiography of the Introduction of Buddhism to China
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Ars Orientalis is a peer-reviewed annual volume of scholarly articles on the art and archaeology of Asia, the ancient Near East, and the Islamic world.It is published jointly by the Freer and Sackler Galleries and the University of Michigan Department of History of Art.Fostering a broad range of topics and approaches through themed issues, the journal is intended for scholars in diverse fields.Ars Orientalis provides a forum for new scholarship, with a particular interest in work that redefines and crosses boundaries, both spatial and temporal.Authors are asked to follow The Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition.
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TL;DR
The paper argues that the Eastern Han Horinger tomb murals do not provide reliable grounds for Buddhist readings, especially the alleged relic inscription and white elephant. It traces those readings to lost or remembered evidence, philological overreach, and circular scholarship.
Key findings
- The vanished cartouche on the antechamber’s eastern ceiling, read by Yu Weichao as *shēlì* 猞猁 and equated with Buddhist *shèlì* 舍利, is not securely attested: it was absent from the official excavation report, disintegrated before photography, and rested on Li Zuozhi’s unpublished notes and later memory. The author doubts even the original reading and proposes *hánlì* 𤞻猁 or other animal/auspicious alternatives.
- The white elephant on the southern ceiling is not demonstrably Buddhist: the Tengzhou “six-tusked” elephants show only three tusks in profile; whiteness cannot be verified from black-ink rubbings; the Dabaodang M24 elephant has reddish pigment; and a nursing-elephant motif appears in Zhang Heng, Xue Zong, Xu Shen, and Shen Yue outside a Buddhist context.
- The Buddhist textual basis for the white-elephant conception story, the *Xiuxing benqi jing* (T184), is too late for Zhang Heng and is not accepted as an Eastern Han text. The paper finds no verifiable Eastern Han archaeological evidence for relics, and says claims such as those about Dahuting M2 relics rest on circular reasoning from Horinger.
- The author calls for a sociocultural test: Eastern Han society was not a Buddhist-hybrid culture; Kang Senghui’s later mission shows relics initially met skepticism; and no later Chinese tomb murals show a relic motif, even for known Buddhist sympathizers.
Methods
- Historiographic and art-historical re-examination of Horinger Xiaobanshen M1, dated around 180–90 CE, and of scholarship by Yu Weichao (1980), Wu Hung (1986), Zürcher, and others.
- Comparative iconographic analysis with other Eastern Han tombs and reliefs, including Wangdu Suoyaocun M1, Dahuting M1/M2, Tengzhou, Longyangdianzhen, and Dabaodang M24.
- Philological and textual analysis of terms and sources such as *shèlì* 舍利 / *śarīra*, Lokakṣema’s *Daoxing banruo jing*, Zhang Heng’s *Xijing fu*, Cai Zhi, Xu Shen, Xue Zong, and Shen Yue.
Limitations
- Paper-stated: the inscription is lost, was never photographed, is omitted from the official report, and depends on unpublished notes and memory; its high location in a dark tomb makes the reading doubtful, and some proposed alternatives are speculative.
- Paper-stated: there is no direct archaeological evidence for Buddhist relics in Eastern Han China; the argument relies heavily on absence of parallels and negative evidence.
- Evident: the paper’s sociocultural and psychological claims about relic aversion and unfiliality are interpretive and not directly documented for Horinger; several conclusions depend on later texts and comparative inference.
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Claims the paper makes
41 Own interpretation · 30 Sources not found · 6 Own result · 1 No basis given
In the paper
“But this is no less untangled a problem, especially because this reading of hánlì in the severely corrupt Xijing fu has the exact variant reading of shèlì 舍利.24”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Abstract
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites [24]
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plainstates an associationSingle case- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
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In the paper
“No similar representation of such a macabre theme has been attested anywhere else in Han art (fig.10).38”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Abstract
What the sources say
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plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
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In the paper
“no later Chinese tomb murals feature a motif of relics, not even those associated with known Buddhist sympathizers.”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Minku
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: unclear — It is unclear why the paper says it holds.
A result the paper reports from its own data — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“In fact, one of the two front tusks of the leading elephant appears to come from behind the trunk.”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Abstract
hedgedSingle case- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: unclear — It is unclear whether the paper’s conclusions depend on it.
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In the paper
“A door crossbeam from one of the tombs (M24) is decorated with the typical early imperial menagerie motif and an adorable, and yet untransformed, elephant in the center, an architectural context perhaps similar to that of the Tengzhou carvings (fig.13).”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Abstract
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites [50]
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- Load-bearing: unclear — It is unclear whether the paper’s conclusions depend on it.
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- Not matched
- It may state two separate claims as one. 21
- Probably not a substantial claim. 20
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Rated minor: it would not touch a result — a value no result rests on, a p-value that stays on the same side of the significance level, or a conflict that is clerical, resolved elsewhere in the paper, or outside its own findings.
In the paper
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > Abstract
“Shen Yue's 沈約 (441-513) Furui zhi 符瑞志”
§ ars orientalis 44 editor-in-chief > References
“Shen Yue's 沈約 (441-512) Song shu 宋書”
Citations
Cites
Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC)
von Falkenhausen, L. (2006) · Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press eBooks · doi:10.2307/j.ctvdmwwt6 · Cited by 196
Pulleyblank, E. G. (1966) · Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland · doi:10.1017/s0035869x00124566 · Cited by 76
Soothill, W. E., & Hodous, L. (2005) · Medical Entomology and Zoology · Cited by 59
The Animal and the Daemon in Early China
Kardos, M. A., & Sterckx, R. (2002) · Asian Folklore Studies · doi:10.2307/1178984 · Cited by 57
Burial ‘ad sanctos’ and the physical presence of the Buddha in early Indian Buddhism
Schopen, G. (1987) · Religion · doi:10.1016/0048-721x(87)90116-3 · Cited by 52
Loewe, M. A. N. (1978) · Numen · doi:10.1163/156852778x00010 · Cited by 27
Man and Beast: The Hybrid in Early Chinese Art and Literature
Loewe, M. A. N. (1978) · Numen · doi:10.2307/3269782 · Cited by 26
Kern, M. (2000) · Medical Entomology and Zoology · Cited by 14
The Scripture in Forty-Two Sections
Sharf, R. (1996) · Princeton University Press eBooks · doi:10.2307/j.ctv36zrpn.34 · Cited by 8
Further Comments on the Use of Statistics in the Study of Han Dynasty Portents
Bielenstein, H., & Sivin, N. (1977) · Journal of the American Oriental Society · doi:10.2307/599008 · Cited by 5
Research works printed but not linked: 12
- See above, n. 11. 22 For the cult of the Queen Mother of the West, see inter alia Suzanne Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1993). by David R. Knechtges, Wen xuan or Selections of Refined Literature, vol. 1: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1982), 233. Diacritics are mine. For the discussion of the hánlì 含利 monster, see Derk Bodde, Festivals in Classical China: New Year and Other Annual Observances During the Han Dynasty, 206 b.c.-a.d. 220 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975), 151-63. Also see Erik Zürcher, "Han Buddhism and the Western Region, " in Thought and Law in Qin and Han China: Studies Dedicated to Anthony Hulsewé on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday, ed. W. L. Idema and Erik Zürcher (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 160-61 (rpt. in Buddhism in China: Collected Papers of Erik Zürcher, ed. Jonathan Silk [Leiden: Brill, 2013], 355-56).
- Beside the variant readings of hánlì 含利 vs. shèlì 舍利, this passage (LL. 719-2) involves another serious corruption, that is, hua 化 (change) vs. bei 北 (north), the situation that reaffirms the level of difficulty in dealing with text criticism. Moreover, adding more problems than solutions to the matter, Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1 (1982), 232, promotes the idea of Fujita Toyohachi 藤田豊八, "Zen Kan ni okeru seinan kaijō kōtsū no kiroku" 前漢に於ける西南海上交通の 記録 (Records on the traffic between the West and South Seas during the former Han), Geibun 芸文 5, nos. 10-11 (1914), 301-25, 405-14 [rpt. in Tōzai kōshōshi no kenkyū: Nankai hen 東西交涉史の研究: 南海篇 (Tōkyō: Oka Shoin 岡書院, 1933), 95-135, esp. 123-24], who suggested long ago that this variant of shèlì 舍利 was "another form" of a gloss to indicate the regions of Shénlí [EMC d im li /li] 諶離 by the Irrawaddy River, later known as Xīlì 悉利. Fujita's argument may have certain validity on the etymol- ogy of hánlì/shèlì, but does not help our purpose because of the unexplained outstanding phonetic and graphic gaps between shèlì 舍利 and shénlí 諶離.
- Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集. T55, no. 2145 (XIII) 96: b7 et seq. An account that closely parallels this is found in Huijiao's 慧皎 Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳. T50, no. 2059 (I), 325: b6 et seq. The latter version was fully translated in Édouard Chavannes, "Seng-Houei, " T' oung pao, 2nd ser., vol. 10 (1909), 199-212. For Kang Senghui's Sogdian network, see Étienne de la Vaissière, Histoire des marchands sogdiens (Paris: Institut des hautes études chinoise, 2002), 77-80 (trans. by James Ward, Sogdian Traders: A History [Leiden: Brill, 2005], 71-74).
- Bielenstein, "Han Portents and Prognosti- cations, " BMFEA 56 (1984), 97-112;
- Anne Birrell, "Return to the Cosmic Eternal: The Representation of a Soul's Journey to Paradise in a Chinese Funerary Painting, c. 168 BC, " Cosmos: The Yearbook of the Traditional Cosmology Society 13, no. 1 (1997), 3-30; Huang Bingyi [黃冰逸], "From Chu to Western Han: Re-reading Mawangdui" (Ph.D. diss., Yale Univ., 2005), 248-62.
- "Lun fogu biao 論佛骨表, " Changli Xiansheng wenji 昌黎先生文集 39, in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本, ser. 4, vol. 33 (Beijing: Beijing Tushuguan Chubanshe, 2002), 14, 2v-4v. For translations, see inter alia Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in T' ang China (New York: Ronald Press, 1955), 221-24.
- Christoph Cueppers, Max Deeg, and Hubert Durt (Lumbini, Nepal: Lumbim International Research Institute, 2010), 114, n. 83. 44 For his magisterial contribution to the field, see J. A. Silk, "In Memoriam, Erik Zürcher, " Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 31, nos. 1-2 (2008), 3-22.
- Wu Hung accepts this. The legendary Sishi' er zhang jing 四十二章經 may or may not date to that time, but that is beside the point, because this purportedly early text lacks any reference to elephants. See Henri Maspero, "Le songe et l'ambassade de l' empereur Ming, " Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 10 (1910), 95-130;
- Liang Qichao 梁啓超, "Fojiao zhi chu shuru 佛教之初輸入, " Gaizhao 改造3, no. 12 (1921), 69-79 [rpt. in Foxue yanjiu shiba pian 佛學硏究十八篇 (Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1936), 1-23, esp. 5-7];
- Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1996), 360-71.
- Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1, 236;
- E. Pulleyblank, "Stages in the transcription of Indian Words in Chinese from Han to Tang, " Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo- Altaica 16 (1989), 78. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the other images in Zhang's rhapsody should be interpreted as Buddhist elements.
Cited by
Generating Sacred Space beyond Architecture: Stacked Stone Pagodas in Sixth-Century Northern China
Zhao, J. (2021) · Religions · doi:10.3390/rel12090730 · Cited by 2
“Minku Kim, in his dissertation on the very topic, has combed through the historiography of the topic and provided a definition of Buddhist image worship in a Chinese context (Kim 2011, 2014).”
BackgroundDaoxuan and the Medieval Chinese Encounter with Relics and Images
Landry, N. E. (2022) · Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies · doi:10.15239/hijbs.05.01.01
(2016) · Early China · doi:10.1017/eac.2016.9
ASYA’DA MÜSLÜMAN OLMAYAN TÜRK DEVLETLERİNDE TÜRK ATIŞI
Kansoy, U. (2026) · Stratejik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi · doi:10.30692/sisad.1852527
Metadata
- Authors
- Kim, M.
- Affiliations
- University of Minnesota (US)
- Corresponding author
- Kim, Minku
- ORCID
- Kim, Minku
- Venue
- Ars Orientalis
- Publisher
- University of Michigan Library
- Published
- 2014-12
- Volume
- 44
- Issue
- 20220203
- ISSN
- 0571-1371 (ISSN-L)
- 2328-1286
- OpenAlex
- W2326695167
- Cited by
- 4
- References
- 12
- Citations by year
- 2026: 1 · 2022: 1 · 2021: 1 · 2016: 1
- FWCI
- 6.62
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- bronze
- doi.org
- Locations
- Ars Orientalis (publishedVersion)
- University of Michigan Library Repository (submittedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Eurasian Exchange Networks
- Keywords
- Buddhist relics, historiography, Buddhist iconography
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