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Cited by 0Chinese history and philosophyJapanese History and CultureChina's Ethnic Minorities and Relations

“Godly Worm” and the “Literati Prism” of Chinese Sources

Open access
Chen, Sanping·2021·Journal of the American Oriental Society
DOI 10.7817/jameroriesoci.139.2.0417
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Abstract

This essay is a case study of the inherent gentry bias of traditional Chinese sources, which tends to condition modern readers to view ancient East Asia through a “literati prism.” Using medieval onomastic data, the essay demonstrates the distorting effects caused by this prism, as well as the enigmas it engenders. In addition, the essay highlights a long-ignored legacy of early medieval nomadic conquests of northern China—the vulgarization of Chinese high culture.

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This essay argues that traditional Chinese written sources carry a gentry bias that distorts modern understanding of early medieval northern China under non-Han rule. Through medieval naming data, it reinterprets so-called vulgar characters and shows how zodiac theophoric names and social naming practices reveal non-elite culture hidden by elite sources.

Key findings

  • The essay contends that a literati-centered lens obscures the vulgarization of Chinese high culture under the Northern Dynasties; inscriptional evidence is overwhelmingly northern (481 of 536 surviving tomb inscriptions, about 90%), and some inscriptions reportedly have nearly half of their characters erroneous.
  • It reinterprets the character 䗝, traditionally glossed as “silkworm,” as a deified snake/hui used in theophoric personal names for people born in snake years; examples include 䗝休, 䗝道, and 張䗝兒 in a 571 Northern Qi inscription. It also links names such as Yuan Ta (born 417), Xiao Baorong (born 489), Pei Rong (born 489), Sima Chi (born 981), and Yuchi Jingde (born 585) to snake-year births.
  • The “small rabbit” character 㝹 appears in names such as 㝹仁, 㝹子, 㝹香, 㝹珠, and 阿㝹, but direct use of 兔 is rare despite the rabbit’s positive literary image; the paper calls this an enigma.
  • The essay argues most ordinary people in premodern China had only childhood names, not formal or style names; epitaphs from 757 and 850 show sons listed by childhood names because official names were undetermined. It also notes Iranian/Zoroastrian influence on medieval Chinese naming, including a Sogdian name interpreted as “slave of Demetra.”

Methods

  • Case study of medieval Chinese onomastics, drawing on traditional histories, tomb inscriptions, epitaphs, Dunhuang/Turfan documents, dictionaries, and rubbings.
  • Focuses on “vulgar characters” cited in Jiang Shi’s 514 memorial in Wei shu, especially 㝹 and 䗝, and compares their attestations in personal names and inscriptions.
  • Uses calendrical reconstruction of birth years to test whether theophoric animal-cycle names correspond to zodiac years, with a revised age formula.

Limitations

  • The paper acknowledges reviewer disagreement over whether 䗝 in some names is a surname rather than a theophoric element, and says complete agreement may be difficult.
  • It states that damage to the 539 Ningchansi inscription prevents recovery of two full personal names, and that no bearer of a hui-name with an accurately inferable birth year has yet been identified.
  • Evident from the text: the argument depends on fragmentary inscriptional evidence, modern transcriptions that sometimes miswrite 虫 as 蟲, and interpretive birth-year reconstructions; some claims rest on rare or single attestations.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.7817/jameroriesoci.139.2.0417

Cites

4 of 4 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Claims the paper makes

0 of 64 cited sources checked · 0 supported · 0 flagged

  • Findingown data

    In the medieval period, and likely much of the premodern era, the uneducated majority of the Chinese population possessed neither a formal name nor a style name, only childhood names.

    “Here is the astonishing fact revealed by inscriptional and other archeological data: unlike the great majority of Chinese personalities found in traditional literature and modern references, in the medieval period, and likely in much of the entire premodern era, the uneducated majority of the Chinese population actually possessed neither a formal name nor a style name, much less a fancy epithet .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: The surviving inscriptional and onomastic evidence is sufficiently representative of early medieval naming practices to support conclusions about the uneducated majority.
  • Findingown data

    The onomastic use of the "vulgar character" nou 㝹 "small rabbit" was very popular in early medieval China.

    “First, the onomastic use of the “vulgar character” nou 㝹 “small rabbit,” with a rather rare pronunciation in Chinese, was very popular .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: The surviving inscriptional and onomastic evidence is sufficiently representative of early medieval naming practices to support conclusions about the uneducated majority.
  • Findingreasoning

    The vulgarization of Chinese writing is most visible in inscriptional sources, more than ninety percent of which come from the north.

    “The phenomenon is most prominent in inscriptional sources, of which over ninety percent are from the north .9”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Lu Mingjun

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Findingnone given

    The foremost attestations of these "vulgar characters," including the three stacked-up ones cited in Wei shu, are found among contemporary onomastics.

    “Another fact is that the foremost, if not nearly all, attestations of these “vulgar characters,” including the three “stacked-up” ones cited in Wei shu, are found among contemporary onomastics, which underwent a sea change during that period .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingnone given

    There was a deliberate avoidance of the character tu 兔 "rabbit" in personal names, despite the rabbit's positive image in Chinese written literature.

    “Puzzlingly, the usage seems to indicate a deliberate avoidance of directly using the character tu 兔, “rabbit,” which appeared rarely in personal names .”
    • Also stated in: § yoUng rabbit and godly Worm · plain
      “The avoidance of tu in personal names gets more surprising with the highly positive and laudatory image of the rabbit in Chinese written literature: the legendary yutu 玉兔 “jade rabbit” was said to reside on the beloved moon, a romantic icon for so many men of letters in Chinese history, and the white rabbit, which was rare in China before the import of the domesticated type in late Ming dynasty,”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: Absence of a character from surviving onomastic records indicates that the character was avoided in naming practice.
  • May combine two claims. 34
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. 13
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 2

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    Unlike the absolute absence of a surname 蠶, the surname 蛇/虵 is repeatedly attested in medieval China.

    “in contrast to the absolute absence of a surname 蠶, the surname 蛇/虵 is attested repeatedly in medieval China, 61”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [61]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Findingcitation

    On some inscriptions, nearly half of the Chinese characters written could be labeled erroneous.

    “By one account, on some inscriptions nearly half of the Chinese characters written could be labeled erroneous .10”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Lu Mingjun

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    The latest such name the author could locate was Wu Huizi 吳虫子, second son of Wu Cun'e 吳存鍔 (d. 917), whose name was mistranscribed as 蟲子 in a recent collection.

    “The latest such name I could locate belonged to the second son of the Later Liang 後梁 courtier Wu Cun'e 吳存鍔 (d .917), Wu Huizi 吳虫子, whose name was again mistranscribed to 蟲 子 in a recent collection .60”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [60]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingnone given

    Among the limited number of individuals for whom both childhood name and formal given name are known, there was no apparent relation between the two, in contrast to the well-established relation between formal name and style name.

    “In addition, from the limited number of individuals for which we know both the childhood name and the formal given name, 34 there was no apparent relation between the two, in sharp contrast to the well-established relation between formal name and style name .35”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: The surviving inscriptional and onomastic evidence is sufficiently representative of early medieval naming practices to support conclusions about the uneducated majority.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

    Findingnone given

    The identical pattern was repeated by another pair of brothers, Gao Baoyin 高保寅 and Baorong 保融, from a warlord family of the Five Dynasties era.

    “Remarkably, the identical pattern was repeated by another pair of brothers, Gao Baoyin 高保寅 and Baorong 保融, from a warlord family of the Five Dynasties era .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    Yuan Ta died in the twelfth year of Taihe, 488, at age 73 sui.

    “His biography in Wei shu records that Yuan Ta died in the twelfth year of Taihe 太和 (488) at age 73 sui .85”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [85]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Findingnone given

    The author has not yet identified a bearer of a hui-name whose birth year can be accurately inferred.

    “I have yet to identify a bearer of a hui-name whose birth year can be accurately inferred .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingreasoning

    In this case, the closest tiger year and snake year were 858 戊寅 and 861 辛巳.

    “In this case, the closest tiger year and snake year were 858 戊寅 and 861 辛巳 .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    Xiao Baorong 蕭寶融, the last child-emperor of the Southern Qi, was murdered in 502 at age 15 sui by Xiao Yan 蕭衍.

    “The first is the last childemperor, Xiao Baorong 蕭寶融, of the Southern Qi, who was murdered in 502 at the age of 15 sui by his remote clansman Xiao Yan 蕭衍, founding emperor of the succeeding Liang dynasty .92”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [92]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    The denunciation won grudging admiration from Empress Wu, who had earlier changed her predecessor's surname from Wang 王 to Mang 蟒, 'python', as an insult.

    “this public denunciation even won grudging admiration of the politically astute Empress Wu herself, who had earlier changed the surname of her deposed and murdered predecessor from Wang 王 to Mang 蟒,”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [73]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    Sima Chi died on the guiwei day in the twelfth lunar month of the first year of Qingli, January 2, 1042 Julian, at age 62 sui.

    “Sima Chi passed away on the guiwei 癸未 (eighth) day in the twelfth lunar month of the first year of Qingli 慶曆 (or January 2, 1042 according to the Julian calendar), at age 62 sui .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Sima Chi's biography in Song shi contains neither his year of death nor his age at death.

    “Though Chi's biography in the official dynastic history Song shi 宋史 contains neither his year of death nor age at death”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims. The quote only partly states this claim.

    Findingown data

    The author has many confirmed examples proving the use of xiang 祥/詳 and even mei 美 for yang 羊, 'sheep'; tun 屯 for tun 肫, 'pig'; and gai 該 for hai 亥, the earthly branch sign for pig.

    “I have many confirmed examples, too numerous to be individually cited, proving the use of xiang 祥/詳 and even mei 美 90 for yang 羊,”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [90]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingnone given

    Yang Xian died on April 11, 720, at age 65 sui.

    “He died on April 11, 720 at age 65 sui .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Findingnone given

    Yuchi Jingde played a critical role in the Xuanwu Gate coup of 626 by killing the crown prince and securing Li Shimin's enthronement.

    “He played a critical role in the Xuanwu Gate 玄武 門 coup d'état in 626 by killing the then crown prince and securing the enthronement of his patron, the second Tang emperor Li Shimin 李世民 (r .626-49) .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Findingcitation

    While Gao Baoyin's birth year cannot be definitely determined, it is well attested that yin is calendric.

    “While Baoyin's birth year cannot be definitely determined, it is well attested that yin is calendric .94”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [94]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Findingnone given

    The famous Tang general Yuchi Jingde 尉遲敬德 (585-658) was a legendary hero in official history and folklore, commonly known by his style name Jingde.

    “The final case is the famous Tang general Yuchi Jingde 尉遲敬德 (585-658), a legendary hero in both official history and folklore, commonly known by his style name Jingde .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    Daoist sources from the early medieval period do not offer a substantially independent perspective because few influential contemporary Daoist writings existed and Daoist authors were socially similar to Confucian literati.

    “However, firstly there were few influential contemporary Daoist writings, and Daoist authors tended to be cut from the same cloth as the Confucian literati .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Arthur Wright

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Chen Yinke

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    Traditional Chinese written sources are shaped by an inherent bias toward the educated Confucian gentry, and this bias continues to influence modern scholarship.

    “This essay is a case study of the inherent gentry bias of traditional Chinese sources, which tends to condition modern readers to view ancient East Asia through a “literati prism .””
    • Also stated in: § Abstract · plain
      “The inherent gentry bias of traditional written sources, though long recognized, still permeates much of modern scholarship .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The northern source Wei shu correctly named Mei as Hui'er 虫兒, likely because the name was too popular in the north to mistake.

    “the northern source Wei shu, while echoing the southern gentry's claim that Mei was a crook, correctly named him Hui'er 虫兒, likely because the same name was too popular in the north to mistake .59”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [59]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Yan Zhitui described the rampant vulgarization of Chinese writing in the non-Han-dominated north as much inferior to that south of the Yangtze and as a result of political disasters.

    “Yan Zhitui 顏之推, who grew up in the gentry-dominated south and moved to the north first as a captured prisoner of war, characterized the rampant vulgarization of Chinese writing in the “Barbarian”-dominated north, “much inferior to that south of the Yangtze” 猥拙甚於江南, as the unfortunate result of political disasters (北朝喪亂之 餘) .11”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Yanshi jiaxun jijie

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    The "godly worm" character 䗝 was interpreted as silkworm in Wei shu and this interpretation was copied by Chinese dictionaries without re-examination.

    “The “silkworm” interpretations in Wei shu have been copied almost verbatim by all Chinese dictionaries, starting with Yupian 玉篇, or at least its Song dynasty edition, without any re-examination .46”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Wei shu

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Yupian

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

    Interpretationnone given

    The component 神 in the "godly worm" character can only be attributed to a need for deification.

    “In my opinion, the component 神 can only be attributed to a need for deification .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The same character appeared two more times in the donor list of the Ningchansi inscription, likely prompting the literati author to use it in the verse-like introduction.

    “Intriguingly, the same character appeared two more times in the long list of donors attached to the inscription, a “coincidence” that likely prompted the literati author to use the character in the verse-like introduction resembling the rhapsody (fu 賦) genre .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Yu Yue cited a private genealogy claiming Yuan dynasty regulations forbade commoners without official positions to bear formal names, and he thought such a rule probably existed since the Song dynasty.

    “He cited a handwritten note in a private clan genealogy claiming that Yuan 元 dynasty regulations forbade commoners without official positions to bear formal names .After agreeing with the existence of such an official rule, Yu commented that it cannot be found in the official Yuan history, but that it probably existed since the Song 宋 dynasty .32”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Chunzaitang suibi

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). The quote only partly states this claim.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The vulgar character 䗝 reflected the snake's newly acquired godly status for less educated commoners born in a snake year.

    “The”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The Ningchansi inscription was elegantly written in classical Chinese, evidently by a highly educated literati author.

    “The inscription, which uses the character under discussion, was elegantly written in classical Chinese, evidently the work of a highly educated literati author .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationcitation

    Received Buddhist literature is dominated by intellectual Buddhists from the same educated classes as the Confucian literati, so it contains little information about less educated believers.

    “received Buddhist literature was still heavily dominated by “intellectual Buddhists” who largely came from the same educated social classes as the Confucian literati .”
    • Also stated in: § Abstract · plain
      “Chinese Buddhist sources primarily give a picture of Buddhism as a literary phenomenon worthy of the attention of a highly literate audience,””
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Arthur Wright

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Timothy Barrett

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    The snake is widely regarded as a partial but important origin of the dragon in East Asia, supported by evidence such as the half-snake bodies of Fuxi and Nüwa and the saying 'the snake morphed into a dragon'.

    “The snake is widely considered a partial yet important origin of the dragon in East Asia, based on solid evidence, not the least the half-snake bodies of China's”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [64]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    For lower classes such as farmers and laborers, snakes, especially venomous ones, posed real danger and produced fear and repugnance.

    “to the lower classes, the farmers and laborers toiling on the land and the woods, imperial fortunes would hardly figure in their dreams, whereas snakes, especially the venomous ones, posed real and serious danger, leading to natural fear as well as repugnance .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationnone given

    The twelve-animal cycle was deified and its animals were used as divinities in theophoric names.

    “the deification of the twelve-animal cycle to use them as divinities in theophoric names”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    By the author's revised formula, Yuan Ta was born in 417, a snake year 丁巳.

    “By my revised formula, he was born in 417, a snake year (丁巳) .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
    • The authors state this as an assumption: The author's revised formula for converting age at death and death date into a birth year is valid.
    • Rests on an assumption: The ages at death and death dates recorded in the cited inscriptions and biographies are accurate.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    By the author's revised formula, Sima Chi was born in 981, a snake year 辛巳, revealing what the component 也 of his name signified.

    “Therefore, Chi was born in 981, a snake year (辛巳), revealing what the critical component 也 of his name signified .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • The authors state this as an assumption: The author's revised formula for converting age at death and death date into a birth year is valid.
    • Rests on an assumption: The ages at death and death dates recorded in the cited inscriptions and biographies are accurate.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    According to Xu Shen, 它 was a pictograph of the snake and the original form of 蛇, with or without the 虫 component.

    “But the latter character, again according to Xu Shen, 79 was yet another pictograph of the snake and represented the very original form of 蛇 (early medieval pronunciation zia), with or without the 虫 component .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [79]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    By the author's revised formula, Xiao Baorong was born in 489, a snake year 己巳.

    “Using my revised formula, Baorong was thus born in 489, a snake year (己巳) .”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
    • The authors state this as an assumption: The author's revised formula for converting age at death and death date into a birth year is valid.
    • Rests on an assumption: The ages at death and death dates recorded in the cited inscriptions and biographies are accurate.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

    Premisenone given

    More evidence comes from the Northern Song, when the once popular fad of zoological personal names had largely faded, at least among the elite.

    “More evidence is found in the Northern Song 宋 dynasty, when the once popular fad of zoological personal names had largely faded, at least among the elite .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationcitation

    This elder brother barely escaped to Northern Wei territories in 501 at age 16 sui, confirming a tiger birth year, 486 丙寅.

    “This elder and luckier brother, hunted by Xiao Yan's executioners, barely escaped to Northern Wei territories in 501 at age 16 sui, confirming a tiger birth year (486 丙寅) .93”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [93]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • The authors state this as an assumption: The author's revised formula for converting age at death and death date into a birth year is valid.
    • Rests on an assumption: The ages at death and death dates recorded in the cited inscriptions and biographies are accurate.

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

    Premisenone given

    Most preserved tomb inscriptions belonged to the educated gentry, and zoological names aside from childhood names tended to occur only among commoners and lower social strata.

    “given that most preserved tomb inscriptions belonged to the educated gentry, and that zoological names-aside from childhood names-tended to be found only among commoners and lower social strata”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Xu Shen traced the origin of the third-person pronoun ta 他/它 to a well-wishing greeting meaning 'no snake attacks?', reflecting deep fear of the reptile.

    “Xu Shen ascribed the origin of the character ta 他/它 as the third-person pronoun to a well-wishing greeting”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [66]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Interpretationnone given

    大虫 might be misunderstood as 大蟲, 'tiger', by the less educated.

    “A contention here is that 大虫 might be misunderstood as 大蟲,”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    The family name Yuchi indicated that Jingde's forefathers came from either a western Xianbei tribe or the Central Asian city-state of Khotan.

    “By the way, the family name Yuchi indicated that Jingde's forefathers came from either a western Xianbei 鮮 卑 tribe or the Central Asian city-state of Khotan, 97 another reminder of a multi-ethnic and multicultural medieval China .”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites [97]

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

41 of 41

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The surviving inscriptional and onomastic evidence is sufficiently representative of early medieval naming practices to support conclusions about the uneducated majority.

    “Here is the astonishing fact revealed by inscriptional and other archeological data: unlike the great majority of Chinese personalities found in traditional literature and modern references, in the medieval period, and likely in much of the entire premodern era, the uneducated majority of the Chinese population actually possessed neither a formal name nor a style name, much less a fancy epithet .”

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Absence of a character from surviving onomastic records indicates that the character was avoided in naming practice.

    “to my best knowledge, among the tens of thousands of personal names in both traditional literature and archeological findings of the era, there is not a single case of the onomastic use of the character can 蠶 .”
    “the character's absence in Chinese onomastics should not come as a big surprise .”

  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    The author's revised formula for converting age at death and death date into a birth year is valid.

    “By my revised formula, he was indeed born in a snake year (657 丁巳) .76”
    “By my revised formula, he was born in 417, a snake year (丁巳) .”

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The ages at death and death dates recorded in the cited inscriptions and biographies are accurate.

    “He died on April 11, 720 at age 65 sui .”
    “His biography in Wei shu records that Yuan Ta died in the twelfth year of Taihe 太和 (488) at age 73 sui .85”
4 of 4

Cites

Flagged first, then by citations

Research works printed but not linked: 4

  1. Nicholas Sims-Williams and François de Blois, "The Bactrian Calendar," Bulletin of the Asia Institute, New Series 10 (1996), Studies in Honor of Vladimir A . Livshits, 149-65 .
  2. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1985), this vulgarized form of 蟲 was never accepted by the gentry (Kangxi zidian, 1200, calls such an interpretation a "gross falsehood" 大謬), with the character 虫 always retaining the pronuncia- tion hui and the primary meaning "snake ." 48 . Goryeo 高麗 edition (rpt . Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 2 .219 .
  3. ed . Denis Twitchett (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ . Press, 1979), 295 . 73 . Zizhi tongjian 203 .6424 and 200 .6294 . 74 . DH 1 .117;
  4. Hu Ji 胡戟 et al ., comps ., Da Tang Xishi bowuguan cang muzhi 大唐西市博物館藏墓誌, 3 vols . (Beijing: Beijing Univ . Press, 2012), 399 .

Related

Authors
Chen, S.
Corresponding author
Chen, Sanping
Venue
Journal of the American Oriental Society
Publisher
American Oriental Society
Published
2021-09-19
Volume
139
Issue
2
ISSN
  • 0003-0279 (ISSN-L)
  • 2169-2289
DOI
10.7817/jameroriesoci.139.2.0417
OpenAlex
W2966477398
Cited by
0
References
4
FWCI
0.00
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
Journal of the American Oriental Society (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Cultural Studies › Japanese History and Culture
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › China's Ethnic Minorities and Relations
Keywords
literati, onomastics, Chinese historical sources, ancient East Asia, northern China, early medieval China, historiography

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