Remembering the Past through Music

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Many editions of Donggao qinpu appeared in later centuries and circulated almost exclusively in Japan; the earliest published edition dates to 1772.

“Many different editions of the qinpu appeared in the following centuries and circulated almost exclusively in Japan.The earliest published edition dates to 1772.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Hitomi Chikudō similarly wrote that ancient Japan had qin players, that transmission later ceased, and that Donggao's arrival first made the qin's essence known again.

“There used to be qin players in our country in the ancient past, but later no one inherited the music.Hence, those who were interested in the qin had no way of getting to know its essence.It was not until the arrival of the master [Donggao] that it began to be known.”

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May combine two claims.

In the preface to Xichun cao, Donggao described Japan as having a wise emperor, capable officials, a stable country, peaceful people, flourishing ritual and music, and abundant culture and provisions.

“The emperor is wise, the officials capable, the country stable, the people in peace.Ritual and music flourish, culture and provisions abound.”

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Suzuki's preface presents a Japanese music history in which the qin was practiced by Japanese gentlemen in high antiquity and later fell into neglect.

“With the word”

May combine two claims.

Suzuki Ryū was the first to publish Donggao qinpu in woodblock print, and his 1772 preface was written for that first print edition.

“Suzuki was the first to put Donggao qinpu into wood-block print, and the preface was written for this first print edition.”

May combine two claims.

Most lyrics in Donggao qinpu are classical poems with no obvious religious implications.

“In fact, most of the lyrics in Donggao qinpu are classical poems with no obvious religious implications.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Donggao realized that these Japanese poems had a literary value that was unique and comparable to the best works he had read, such as Li Bo and Tao Yuanming's poems, which were also included in Donggao qinpu.

“He realized that these Japanese poems had a literary value that was unique and comparable to the best works he had read, such as Li Bo and Tao Yuanming's poems, which were also included in Donggao qinpu.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The four waka songs are all tanka in a 5-7-5-7-7 meter.

“The four waka songs, all in the form of tanka (a short poem in a 5-7-5-7-7 meter)”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The surviving editions of Donggao qinpu contain music and lyrics for sixty-one songs.

“The Donggao qinpu, with all its surviving editions, contains the music and lyrics for sixty-one songs.”

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May combine two claims.

Most songs in Donggao qinpu were selected by Donggao from other Chinese qinpu and modified; a few were his own compositions.

“Most of the songs were selected by Donggao from other Chinese qinpu with modifications, while a few were his own compositions.”

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The earliest extant edition of Donggao qinpu was compiled by Sugiura Kinsen, one of Donggao's qin students.

“The earliest extant edition of Donggao qinpu was compiled by Sugiura Kinsen 杉浦 琴川 (1660-1711), one of Donggao's qin students.”

• cites [10]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Japanese qin players did not regard the qin tradition as exclusively Chinese, and many believed the history of the qin in Japan was as long as in China.

“Nevertheless, Japanese qin players did not regard the qin tradition as exclusively Chinese, and many of them even believed that the history of the qin in Japan was as long as it was in China.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The preface states that among the poems in Hyakunin isshu, Donggao understood and appreciated four in particular, and chanted them in a particular rhythm reflected in his qin adaptations.

“The preface states that among the poems in Hyakunin isshu 百人一首, Donggao understood and appreciated four of them in particular, and he chanted them in a particular rhythm that was reflected in his qin adaptations.”

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May combine two claims.

Donggao edited and taught some of those songs and composed one using a paragraph from the Zhongyong as lyrics.

“He not only edited and taught some of those songs, but also composed one using a paragraph from the Zhongyong 中庸 (Doctrine of the Mean) as lyrics”

• cites [37]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Donggao exchanged classical Chinese poems with Japanese associates, offered instruction in seal engraving, and was influential in calligraphy and painting.

“He exchanged classical Chinese poems with his Japanese associates, offered instruction in seal engraving, and was influential in calligraphy and painting.”

• cites [33]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Donggao left China in 1676, arrived in Japan the next year, and spent the rest of his life in Nagasaki and Mito, where he taught Japanese literati to play qin and sing qin songs.

“Donggao departed China in 1676 (the early Qing dynasty in China) and arrived in Japan the next year.He spent the rest of his life in Nagasaki and Mito, where he taught Japanese literati to play the qin and to sing qin songs.”

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May combine two claims.

During his eighteen years in Japan, Donggao actively disseminated syncretic teachings and promoted Chinese literati culture.

“As we know, during his eighteen years' sojourn in Japan, Donggao was active in disseminating syncretic teachings and promoting Chinese literati culture.”

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Qin songs were often a component of the leisure culture of late Ming literati.

“The same could be said of Donggao's case, as qin songs were often a component of the leisure culture of late Ming literati.”

May combine two claims.

Donggao enjoyed waka by chanting them in a specific rhythm with familiar music and by linking them through music to Chinese poems he also liked to sing.

“The way that Donggao enjoyed the waka was to chant them in a particular rhythm with the music with which he was familiar, and to connect them through music with the Chinese poems that he also enjoyed singing.”

May combine two claims.

The qin song South Wind circulated in Japan through various editions of Donggao qinpu and appears in almost all extant editions.

“Not surprisingly, the qin song”

• cites [62]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Onoda believed that the qin had been part of gagaku performance in ancient Japan.

“Onoda believed that the qin used to be part of the gagaku performance in ancient Japan, as he wrote,”

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Another student, Sugiura, held the opposing view that the qin reached Japan only recently.

“Another of Donggao's students, Sugiura, held the contrasting view that the qin was introduced to Japan only recently.”

• cites [47]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

In Qinxue xinsheng xiepu, the first preface says qin music was appreciated in antiquity, gradually lost later, and finally restored by the compiler.

“in Qinxue xinsheng xiepu 琴學心聲諧譜 (compiled by Zhuang Die'an 莊蝶庵 and published in 1664), the writer of the first preface states that qin music was appreciated in ancient times (gu 古), but was gradually lost in a later period (houshi 後世) and was finally brought back by the compiler of the qinpu.”

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May combine two claims.

In Suzuki's print edition, South Wind is attributed to King Shun and its lyrics match the lines quoted from Kong Yingda.

“In Suzuki's print edition, for example, the song is indeed attributed to King Shun, and its lyrics are identical to the lines above.”

• cites [63]Not matched

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In Fujita's narrative, the Zither of Heaven's Edict, the Japanese zither, and the Chinese qin are linked by the same character 琴 despite different pronunciations.

“In Fujita's narrative, the Zither of Heaven's Edict, the Japanese zither, and the Chinese qin were connected with each other by the same character, 琴, despite its different pronunciations in the three Japanese words.”

May combine two claims.

Similar accounts appear in many Chinese qinpu and related writings, forming a shared memory of qin history among Chinese literati.

“Similar accounts are found in many Chinese qinpu and other types of writings on this topic.These texts communicated a shared memory about the history of the qin among Chinese literati.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Hua referred to both the civilization and spatial territory of ancient China as remembered, while those outside that territory were culturally peripheral.

“Hua referred to both the civilization and the spatial territory of ancient China as it was remembered, while those outside the spatial territory were at the same time culturally peripheral.”

• cites [28]Not matched

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In Donggao's view, Edo Japan came closer than Qing China to the idealized ancient China because of its peace, order, and civilization.

“In other words, Edo Japan became closer than the Qing to the idealized vision of ancient China for its peace, order, and civilization.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Qin songs represented the beauty of literati life, which was supposed to be part of a highly civilized world in Donggao's vision.

“These songs represented the beauty of literati life, which was supposed to be part of a highly civilized world in Donggao's vision.”

May combine two claims.

Songs of this type are rooted in the cultural legacy of ancient China, but are supposed to facilitate moral cultivation only when people continue to perform them in current contexts, with no two performances being identical.

“Songs of this type are rooted in the cultural legacy of ancient China, but they are supposed to facilitate moral cultivation only when people continue to perform them in current contexts, with no two performances being identical.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Music and memory are processes rather than products.

May combine two claims.

The idea of being Chinese or Japanese was intertwined with changing understandings of the hua-yi/ka-i worldview and negotiated through cultural memories.

“My analysis shows how the idea of being Chinese/Japanese was intertwined with the changing understandings of the hua-yi/ka-i 華夷 worldview during this period, and how it was negotiated through the cultural memories that shaped and reshaped the past.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Scholars have pointed out that hua and yi were geographical-cultural terms rather than ethnic terms.

“Scholars have pointed out that hua and yi were geographical-cultural terms rather than ethnic terms.”

• cites [28]Not matched

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May combine two claims.

Japanese literati could read and write literary Chinese but usually vocalized kanji with Japanese pronunciations, and most did not know how a Chinese would vocalize the text.

“Although the Japanese literati of this time could read and write literary Chinese, they typically vocalized the Chinese characters (kanji) with their Japanese pronunciations (either on'yomi 音読み or kunyomi 訓読み), and most of them did not know how a Chinese would vocalize the text.”

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May combine two claims.

The waka songs were neither a Japonification of the qin nor a Sinicization of the waka.

“The waka songs were neither a Japonification of the qin nor a Sinicization of the waka.”

May combine two claims.

Donggao and Japanese literati attached different meanings to these songs, each relating them to their own cultural past.

“I argue that Donggao and Japanese literati understood the significance of these songs differently as they both connected the songs to their own cultural past.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

By Donggao's time, many Chinese literati considered qin playing an effective means of self-cultivation and ultimately the key to achieving ideal civilization.

“By Donggao's time, many Chinese literati considered qin playing to be an effective means of self-cultivation and, ultimately, as the key to achieving the ideal civilization.”

May combine two claims.

This allowed Donggao to see affinity and hope outside Chinese territory, and allowed Japanese literati to connect a Chinese musical tradition to their own country's past and future.

“This allowed Donggao to see affinity and hope outside of Chinese territory, on the one hand, and the Japanese literati, on the other, to connect a Chinese musical tradition to the past and future of their own country.”

May combine two claims.

The Japanese pursuit of antiquity did not mean reconstructing the music of a particular period, nor did it mean rejecting all later compositions.

“However, this pursuit of antiquity did not mean to reconstruct the music of a particular time period, neither did the Japanese disregard all later compositions.”

May combine two claims.

Influenced by Chinese qin history and Japanese ancient-zither narratives, Japanese literati made the qin both Chinese and Japanese and a symbol of the ideal society.

“For example, influenced by the Chinese narrative of qin history and the Japanese narrative of the ancient zither, Japanese literati turned the qin into something that was both Chinese and Japanese, and that symbolized the ideal society.”

May combine two claims.

Because Donggao was regarded in Japan as a symbol of qin authenticity, his own compositions circulated widely there, unlike some songs with post-Song lyrics.

“On the one hand, because Donggao was regarded in Japan as a symbol of authenticity of the qin tradition, his own compositions were-unlike some other songs with lyrics written after the Song dynasty (960-1279)widely circulated in Japan.”

May combine two claims.

These components of qin song worked together to bridge past and present in the examples discussed, including waka-qin combination, Confucian teaching songs, pronunciation attention, preference for old lyrics, and South Wind.

“These different components of the qin song form worked together in bridging the past and the present, as we have seen in the combination of waka and qin music, the singing of Confucian teachings, the attention paid to the pronunciations, the Japanese preference for”

May combine two claims.

Suzuki and Hitomi did not simply fabricate their narratives; their accounts resemble numerous Chinese qinpu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

“The word”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Because of the historical gap and uncertainty about how closely the wagon resembles the Zither of Heaven's Edict, Fujita's essay argues for the necessity of learning the qin.

“However, given the historical gap between Fujita's era and the Heian period, and the fact that no one knows for sure how much the wagon resembles the Zither of Heaven's Edict in shape and sound, the essay goes on to argue for the necessity of learning the qin:”

May combine two claims.

Qin song had two distinguishing characteristics: as literati music connected to ancient sages it allowed personal expression and political-ideological meaning, and it consisted of material, musical, textual, linguistic, and bodily performative layers.

“Meanwhile, two characteristics of qin song distinguished it from other musical forms.First, as a form of literati music with a connection to the ancient sages, qin song could both give give personal expression and have political-ideological implications.Second, it consisted of different communicative layers, including the material (the qin itself), the musical, the textual, the linguistic, and the”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

To Fujita, there would have been no need to learn the Chinese qin if the ancient Japanese zither and its music had survived.

“To him, there would be no need to learn the Chinese qin if only the ancient Japanese zither and its music had been preserved.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Fujita's explanation for the qin's unpopularity even in Heian Japan implies that the ancient Japanese zither was superior to the Chinese qin.

“His explanation for the unpopularity of the qin even in Heian Japan-different from Suzuki's and Onoda's narratives-also implies a superiority of the ancient Japanese zither (i.e., the remainder of the Zither of Heaven's Edict) over the Chinese qin.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Because Edo literati remembered close Heian-period ties between Japan and China, it was reasonable for them to think Chinese qin songs preserved a lost Heian legacy.

“As these Edo literati still remembered, Japan built a close relationship with China during the Heian period.It was therefore reasonable for them to believe that the Chinese qin songs could have preserved the Heian legacy that had been lost in Japan.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

According to Chinese classics, King Shun sang the South Wind while playing the qin and thereby regulated the world.

“According to the Chinese classics, King Shun used to sing this song while playing the qin and thus the world was regulated.”

• cites [60]Not matched

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In Suzuki's view, fragments of ancient Japan's lost rites and music could be traced in the living qin tradition of China.

“In Suzuki's view, although the”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Fujita seems to suggest that the Zither of Heaven's Edict is the earliest, inherited from the age of deities rather than from a human king.

“Although Fujita acknowledges that the Chinese qin has a long history as well, he seems to suggest that the Zither of Heaven's Edict is the earliest one, inherited from the time of the deities rather than from a human king.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Onoda's claim that the qin belonged to ancient Japanese music corresponds with Suzuki's view that qin music declined in Japan only in the medieval period.

“As Suzuki and Hitomi, Onoda's writing also claims that the qin was part of Japanese ancient music.Moreover, by indicating that the qin was used in the orchestra during the heyday of gagaku-the Heian period-Onoda's view seems to correspond with Suzuki's statement that qin music did not decline in Japan until the medieval period (chūsei 中世).”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

For Suzuki, the loss of qin transmission endangered civilization, while Donggao's arrival offered hope of restoring the ancient ideal society.

“Therefore, as Suzuki saw it, the gradual loss of transmission of qin music put civilization at risk, whereas Donggao's arrival, in this regard, brought hope for restoring the ideal society of the ancient past.”

May combine two claims.

Their vision of an ideal society had a strong but flexible connection to China: it was influenced by Chinese cultural memory yet did not always have clear geographic, ethnic, or religious boundaries when manipulated in different contexts.

“The vision of such an ideal society had a strong yet flexible connection to China: it was influenced by the cultural memory of ancient China even in the Japanese cases discussed in this paper, but it did not always have clear geographic, ethnic, or religious boundaries when manipulated in different contexts.”

May combine two claims.

Modern scholarship shows that in ancient Japanese texts the character 琴 usually referred to other zithers such as the wagon, and that the qin became known in Japan only around Donggao's time.

“Modern scholars have shown that in ancient Japanese texts the Chinese character 琴 usually refers to other kinds of zithers, such as the wagon 和琴 (lit., Japanese qin), whereas the qin did not really become known in Japan until Donggao's time.”

• cites [48]Not matched

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Fujita held that learning qin songs such as the South Wind was necessary because they connected to ancient music lost in Japan.

“In Fujita's opinion, it was necessary to learn qin songs such as the”

May combine two claims.

When Hitomi and Suzuki retold qin history, their use of ware shifted the setting from China to Japan, so the memory of qin history crossed national boundaries and reshaped the past.

“However, when Hitomi and Suzuki retell the history of the qin in their writings, their use of ware 我 shifts the historical setting from China to Japan.As a result, the memory of the history of the qin transcended national boundaries and reshaped the past.”

May combine two claims.

Although Japanese qin players believed Japan had a long qin history, they could no longer find a Japanese qin tradition to learn from.

“Even though they believed that Japan also had a long history of qin playing, they could no longer find a Japanese qin tradition to learn from.”