Cited by 1Indian and Buddhist StudiesChinese history and philosophyStudy and Philosophy of Religion

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Buddhism Challenged, Adopted, and in Disguise

Raz, Gil·2017·Oxford Scholarship Online

Abstract

The arrival of Buddhism China during the first centuries of the common-era led to major changes in the Chinese religious landscape. Despite its foreign origins, Buddhism soon found Chinese adherents and by the fifth century was widespread and popular throughput China and among all social classes, from the royal courts to the aristocracy and the commoners. Some Chinese, however, viewed this popularity of Buddhism as challenging the fabric of Chinese society and culture. Indeed, many scholars explain the emergence of Daoism as a communal religion in medieval China as a response to Buddhism. The Chinese who rejected Buddhism emphasized that Buddhism was a religion of the foreign, and it was created by Laozi, the ancient Daoist sage, to “convert the barbarians.” This paper aims to examine a variety of interactions between Buddhists and Daoists in medieval China as they argued and debated their place in Chinese society.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This chapter examines three Daoist responses to Buddhism in medieval China (5th–6th centuries): the polemical *huahu* ("conversion of the barbarians") discourse, the Lingbao scriptures' absorption of Buddhist material, and hybrid Buddho-Daoist stelae of the Northern Dynasties. Raz argues that even anti-Buddhist Daoist texts were deeply indebted to Buddhist narratives and terminology, and that at the local level the two religions were practiced simultaneously as complementary repertoires.

Key findings

  • The *huahu* discourse held that Laozi went west and became (or created) the Buddha, making Buddhism a foreign teaching unfit for China; the *Huahu jing* attributed to Wang Fu circulated in the 4th century, was expanded from 1 to 10 *juan* by the early Tang, and was finally destroyed in the 13th century, surviving only in Dunhuang fragments and citations.
  • Even polemical Daoist texts borrowed Buddhist sources: a passage in the *Xuanmiao neipian* (cited in Gu Huan's 467 CE *Yixia lun*) is closely based on Zhi Qian's *Foshuo taizi ruiying benqi jing* (T. 185), recast to subordinate the Buddha to Laozi; the *Santian neijie jing* (after 420 CE) correlates Laozi/left side/yang/life with Daoism and Śākyamuni/right side/yin/death with Buddhism, and labels Daoists "Great Vehicle" and Buddhists "Small Vehicle."
  • The Lingbao *Five Ascendant Talismans* grafted the Buddhist ten directions onto the older eight-direction scheme; its Buddha and Bodhisattva names come verbatim from Zhi Qian's *Foshuo pusa benyejing* (T. 281), and its closing line quotes the *Vimalakīrti sutra* (T. 474). The Dunhuang manuscript P. 2440 is earlier and more Buddhist than the Daozang version DZ 671, where *fo* (Buddha) becomes *jiao/zhenren*, *cha* (kṣetra) becomes *guan*, and *sheli* (śarīra) becomes *shenguang*.
  • Northern Dynasties stelae (480s–580s CE) show hybrid practice: on the Fan Nuzi stela (532 CE) the donor calls himself *daomin* on the front, *fodizi* on the left, and *dudu* on the back; the Shi Clan Stele (523 CE) has Daoist images on front/right and Buddhist on back/left, lists 198 names with a core community of 71 members (all Shi except two Liu), and its vow seeks the Dragon Flower assembly of Maitreya.

Methods

  • Textual and philological analysis of medieval Daoist and Buddhist scriptures, comparing the Dunhuang manuscript P. 2440, the received Daozang version DZ 671, and citations in the *Wushang biyao* (WSBY, commissioned by Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou, 543–578 CE) to reconstruct the earlier, more Buddhist form of the Lingbao text.
  • Epigraphic analysis of Northern Dynasties stelae from the Jing and Wei river valleys in Shaanxi, erected by clans (*jia*) or religious associations (*yi*), reading donor names, titles, and dedicatory vows.
  • The chapter is a synthetic interpretive essay organized around three case types (rejection, disguised adoption, local hybridity), drawing on prior scholarship (Zürcher, Bokenkamp, Lü Pengzhi, Zhang Zexun, and others).

Limitations

  • The paper states that the exact dating of textual changes is difficult ("The changes in the text probably date to the early Tang, but exact dating is difficult"), that it is often difficult to state which social entity a particular Daoist text represents, and that the precise relationship between subgroupings on the stelae "remains unclear."
  • The author explicitly speculates about practice: it is "not quite clear what the practitioner was supposed to visualize" with *sheli*, and the interpretation of *sarira* becoming an in-life attainment is offered as speculation.
  • Evident from the text: the analysis rests on a small number of illustrative cases (one Lingbao scripture, one stele examined in detail) rather than a systematic corpus, and the comparative closing remarks about Rome are posed as questions rather than demonstrated findings.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0008

Cites

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

46 No basis given · 45 Own interpretation · 23 Sources not found · 23 Own result · 4 Not checked yet

Show all 68 claims

  • Probably not a substantial claim. 42
  • It may state two separate claims as one. 40
73 of 73
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Textual similarities between a Daoist text and a Buddhist sutra indicate that the Daoist author used that Buddhist source.

    “The Daoist author of Wucheng fu used two sutras translated by Zhi Qian 支謙 ( . 220- 252): (1) A substantial section of the ritual instructions examined in the following is based on Foshuo pusa benyejing 佛說菩薩本業經 [ Original Endeavors of the Bodhisattva ] T. 281; (2) the g7Fnal line of the text is: 'One who is able to display the meaning of the subtlety is like a lotus living within g7Fre.'”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    At the time of composition of the Lingbao scriptures, ca. 400 CE, Daoists had not yet established monasteries.

    “We should also recall that at the time of composition of the Lingbao scriptures, ca. 400 CE , Daoists had not yet established monasteries”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The terminology and notions of karma introduced by Buddhists to China had been adopted by various Daoist lineages by the fifth century CE.

    “The terminology and notions of karma introduced by Buddhists to China, was by the g7Ffth century CE adopted by various Daoist lineages.”
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Metadata

Authors
Raz, G.
Corresponding author
Raz, Gil
Venue
Oxford Scholarship Online
Published
2017-06-22
OpenAlex
W4247572929
Cited by
1
References
0
Citations by year
2022: 1
FWCI
0.00
Type
book
Language
en
Open access
closed
Locations
Oxford University Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Philosophy › Study and Philosophy of Religion
Keywords
Buddhism, Daoism, early Chinese Buddhism, Laozi, Chinese religious history, medieval China, religious conversion, foreign religions

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CoChat. (2026). Citation check: Buddhism Challenged, Adopted, and in Disguise. https://app.cochat.ai/papers/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0008
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Raz, G. (2017). Buddhism Challenged, Adopted, and in Disguise. Oxford Scholarship Online. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof%3Aoso/9780190278359.003.0008