Cited by 3Linguistics, Language Diversity, and IdentityBasque language and culture studiesSyntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation

The DOI matches its Crossref record; 21 of the 22 references it cites were found in a registry or an index; none of the 28 sources its claims cite is checked for support yet.

Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax

Open access
Martínez-Areta, Mikel·2022·Journal of Language Contact

Abstract

Abstract Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

The paper argues that Latin and Romance contact profoundly shaped Basque verbal morphosyntax, but direct borrowing of finite verbs was blocked by Basque’s ergative, intransitive/transitive finite templates. The Late Latin periphrastic perfect was replicated as Basque’s analytic perfect, which then served as the model for extending analytic VPs and enabling massive verbal borrowing.

Key findings

  • Basque’s finite-verb template—S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives—contrasted sharply with the SAE template vb.root-A/S, blocking finite-verb borrowing from Latin/Romance; analytic VPs became the entry point for loan verbs.
  • The Late Latin/Romance perfect [past passive participle + ‘be’/‘have’] was replicated in Old Common Basque as [perfective participle + *izan* ‘be’ / *edun* ‘have’], enabling borrowings such as *nekatu* < Lat. *necatu*, *bekatu* < Lat. *peccatu*, *barkatu*, *laudatu*, *begiratu*, *aditu*; *-tu* was a mat-borrowing, while autochthonous *-i* participles reflect pat-borrowing.
  • The perfect construction’s semantics followed resultative > perfect > recent/hodiernal past > narrative past; peninsular dialects did not reach the last stage, while continental dialects did. The past-auxiliary construction followed resultative past > pluperfect > narrative past.
  • The analytic imperfective present/past and future were not direct replications but extensions of the intr. ‘be’ / tr. ‘have’ auxiliary pattern; the imperfective arose from a progressive [verbal noun + *-n* + *izan*], and the future perhaps from a deontic/genitive periphrasis, possibly calqued on Romance *he de ir/hacer*. The paper also notes 68 synthetic verbs in 15th–16th century Basque according to Mounole’s count, versus 26 in today’s Basque according to Euskaltzaindia.

Methods

  • Diachronic contact-linguistic study synthesizing historical sources and prior scholarship rather than presenting a new corpus: Aquitanian inscriptions (1st–3rd c. AD), 10th-century onomastic material, later medieval legal/administrative texts, and 16th–17th-century Basque religious texts such as Leizarraga (1571) and Lazarraga (ca. 1600).
  • Main analysis compares Basque finite-verb templates with SAE/Latin/Romance, applies contact-induced grammaticalization and Sakel’s mat-/pat-borrowing distinction, and reconstructs the chronology of analytic VP constructions from pre-Old Common Basque through historical Basque.

Limitations

  • Stated: specific dates for the developments “pose problems of a complexity which cannot be tackled in this paper”; the future construction’s deontic/genitive origin is a latent hypothesis that “nobody has substantiated” and whose details “would be much more difficult to explain.”
  • Stated: Basque was not used as a written language in the Middle Ages, so sources are “few and far between,” mostly lexicon and some noun declension, preventing any influence of Ecclesiastical Latin on Basque syntax and verbal morphosyntax.
  • Evident: the account relies heavily on reconstructed pre-Old Common Basque and Old Common Basque stages, later dialect data, and prior authors (Mounole, Trask, Aldai); the relative chronology between the imperfective and future constructions is described as “less straightforward.”

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1163/19552629-14030001

Cites

21 of 21 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

67 Own interpretation · 52 No basis given · 20 Sources not found · 6 Own result · 3 No full text of the sources · 2 Not checked yet

Verify all 2 references — free account
  • It may state two separate claims as one. 53
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 33
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 1
75 of 75
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon.

    “To begin with, the influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon, where the construction is not used to indicate narrative past.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In Gascon, the perfect construction is not used to indicate narrative past.

    “To begin with, the influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon, where the construction is not used to indicate narrative past.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    In Romance languages and more generally in Standard Average European, the construction [perfective participle + past auxiliary] expresses the pluperfect.

    “In Romance languages, and more generally in Standard Average European, this construction expresses the pluperfect, whether past in the past, or perfect in the past holding on to the original resultative meaning.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Dialectal diversity of a form implies a later age of grammaticalization.

    “because the imperfective participle displays dialectal diversity, and hence must be later than ocb”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The relative importance of synthetic forms was much larger in pre-Old Common Basque.

    “the relative importance of synthetic forms must have been much larger in this period”
5 of 5

Self-check

Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.

Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.

3 of 3

Citations

Cites

Show all 22 references

Research works printed but not linked: 1

  1. Trask, R. L. 1997. The History of Basque. London / New York: Routledge.

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Metadata

Authors
Martínez-Areta, M.
Affiliations
Professor of Basque Philology, Faculty of Letters, University of the Basque Country (upv/ehu), Vitoria/Gasteiz, Spain, miguelmzareta@netscape.net
Venue
Journal of Language Contact
Published
2022-08-23
Volume
14
Issue
3
Pages
497-523
ISSN
  • 1877-4091 (ISSN-L)
  • 1955-2629
OpenAlex
W4293589104
Cited by
0
References
22
FWCI
0.00
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
Journal of Language Contact (publishedVersion, cc-by-nc)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Language and Linguistics › Linguistics, Language Diversity, and Identity
  • Social Sciences › Cultural Studies › Basque language and culture studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Language and Linguistics › Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Keywords
Basque language, Latin influence, Romance influence, verb morphology, ergative alignment, perfect tense, grammaticalization, lexical borrowing, auxiliary verbs, verb valency, language contact, non-Indo-European languages

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