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Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax
Open accessAbstract
Abstract Basque is the only non-Indo-European language in western Europe. This fact, and particularly its ergative alignment, make its morphosyntactic structure and its verb different from those of Standard Average European. However, the massive and prolonged influence which Basque has received first from Latin and later from Romance has conditioned the layout of the analytic vps (the open type) in a very curious way. Since Basque synthetic verbs have a template of the type S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives, as opposed to vb.root-A/S for any kind of verb in sae, lexical borrowing of verbs from Latin was impossible. A solution arose when the old periphrastic resultative perfect was grammaticalized in Late Latin as the primary expression of the perfect. This form distinguished intransitive and transitive verbs, so it served as an entry point for Latin and Romance verbal lexicon into Basque, by means of autochthonous auxiliaries.
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TL;DR
The paper argues that Latin and Romance contact profoundly shaped Basque verbal morphosyntax, but direct borrowing of finite verbs was blocked by Basque’s ergative, intransitive/transitive finite templates. The Late Latin periphrastic perfect was replicated as Basque’s analytic perfect, which then served as the model for extending analytic VPs and enabling massive verbal borrowing.
Key findings
- Basque’s finite-verb template—S-vb.root for intransitives and O-vb.root-A for transitives—contrasted sharply with the SAE template vb.root-A/S, blocking finite-verb borrowing from Latin/Romance; analytic VPs became the entry point for loan verbs.
- The Late Latin/Romance perfect [past passive participle + ‘be’/‘have’] was replicated in Old Common Basque as [perfective participle + *izan* ‘be’ / *edun* ‘have’], enabling borrowings such as *nekatu* < Lat. *necatu*, *bekatu* < Lat. *peccatu*, *barkatu*, *laudatu*, *begiratu*, *aditu*; *-tu* was a mat-borrowing, while autochthonous *-i* participles reflect pat-borrowing.
- The perfect construction’s semantics followed resultative > perfect > recent/hodiernal past > narrative past; peninsular dialects did not reach the last stage, while continental dialects did. The past-auxiliary construction followed resultative past > pluperfect > narrative past.
- The analytic imperfective present/past and future were not direct replications but extensions of the intr. ‘be’ / tr. ‘have’ auxiliary pattern; the imperfective arose from a progressive [verbal noun + *-n* + *izan*], and the future perhaps from a deontic/genitive periphrasis, possibly calqued on Romance *he de ir/hacer*. The paper also notes 68 synthetic verbs in 15th–16th century Basque according to Mounole’s count, versus 26 in today’s Basque according to Euskaltzaindia.
Methods
- Diachronic contact-linguistic study synthesizing historical sources and prior scholarship rather than presenting a new corpus: Aquitanian inscriptions (1st–3rd c. AD), 10th-century onomastic material, later medieval legal/administrative texts, and 16th–17th-century Basque religious texts such as Leizarraga (1571) and Lazarraga (ca. 1600).
- Main analysis compares Basque finite-verb templates with SAE/Latin/Romance, applies contact-induced grammaticalization and Sakel’s mat-/pat-borrowing distinction, and reconstructs the chronology of analytic VP constructions from pre-Old Common Basque through historical Basque.
Limitations
- Stated: specific dates for the developments “pose problems of a complexity which cannot be tackled in this paper”; the future construction’s deontic/genitive origin is a latent hypothesis that “nobody has substantiated” and whose details “would be much more difficult to explain.”
- Stated: Basque was not used as a written language in the Middle Ages, so sources are “few and far between,” mostly lexicon and some noun declension, preventing any influence of Ecclesiastical Latin on Basque syntax and verbal morphosyntax.
- Evident: the account relies heavily on reconstructed pre-Old Common Basque and Old Common Basque stages, later dialect data, and prior authors (Mounole, Trask, Aldai); the relative chronology between the imperfective and future constructions is described as “less straightforward.”
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Claims the paper makes
67 Own interpretation · 52 No basis given · 20 Sources not found · 6 Own result · 3 No full text of the sources · 2 Not checked yet
A result the paper reports from its own data — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“Many verbs of the second group come from Latin or Romance through the past passive participle (Lat.laudatu(m) > lauda-tu, etc.) but the suffix -tu has apparently spread to several autochthonous verb-stems to form perfective participles (har-tu 'take' , sar-tu 'go in, take into' , sal-du 'sell' …).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
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In the paper
“In continental dialects, the tendency is for the same construction to encroach on more distant pasts, thus adding the narrative past -in the sense of perfective action/event in the past -to the aforementioned functions (Lafitte, 1944(Lafitte, /1979: 373): 373).9”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Lafitte, 1944/1979: 373
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In the paper
“In Lazarraga (a 16th century western author), a hodiernal past can already be perceived when using the construction, as shown in (4a).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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In the paper
“In continental dialects, in turn, there are some cases in which the construction still preserves its original resultative meaning, objective or subjective with intransitive auxiliaries, possessive with transitive ones,8 as shown in ( 4b) by means of a sentence by Leizarraga (a 16th century eastern, continental author).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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In the paper
“By 16th century Basque (see Mounole, 2014: 34-41, 45-56, 295-312), the construction [perfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present auxiliary] already indicates perfect in all dialects, and hence the way is paved to indicate past -whether near or distant -, a process which is under way in that century and will develop in the following two centuries.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mounole, 2014: 34-41, 45-56, 295-312
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In the paper
“Many verbs of the second group come from Latin or Romance through the past passive participle (Lat.laudatu(m) > lauda-tu, etc.) but the suffix -tu has apparently spread to several autochthonous verb-stems to form perfective participles (har-tu 'take' , sar-tu 'go in, take into' , sal-du 'sell' …).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
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In the paper
“In fact, the construction [perfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' past auxiliary] expresses pluperfect in all dialects of 16th century Basque.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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In the paper
“Nowadays, the analytic future of the structure [prospective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present auxiliary] is the only construction specialized in expressing this tense.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 7
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“In the cases of verbs which allow synthetic conjugation (recall that these are also imperfective), the analytic construction takes over the habitual meaning.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
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“To put it briefly, the synthetic du-ke and the analytic ukan-en du were in competition to express '(s)he will have' .”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“Nowadays, in peninsular dialects under the pressure of Castilian, the analytic construction [perfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present auxiliary] entails hodiernal past, just as in (4a), or action/event/ state within the time frame indicated by an adjunct included in the same clause, besides perfect itself.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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“In the 16th century, both competitors are on the wane in this function, and this is taken over by the construction [perfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' past auxiliary], a process which is practically accomplished in nearly all dialects by the 17th century.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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In the paper
“However, by the same period, and likewise in all dialects, the construction is also indicating narrative past, yet in this function it competes with: a) past synthetic forms, some of which can contextually express narrative past in 16th century Basque (e.g., 16th c. nekarren 'I brought (aor.)~ I brought (ipfv.)'> 21st c. nekarren 'I brought (ipfv.)'),and b) the analytic construction [verb-stem + *”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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“today's Basque has a set of marked moods (potential, subjunctive, and imperative), which in analytic constructions are expressed morphologically”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“The resultative meaning is still present in some (Basque) eastern attestations of the 16th century.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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“Roughly, in the west -ko is used, in the east -(r)en is used (-ren after vowels), and in a central area -ko is added to vowel-ending, -en to -n-ending perfective participles”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 7
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“Eventually, ukan-en du has prevailed in this function, whereas du-ke has been fenced into potential or epistemic functions.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“Most verbs for which at least a synthetic form is attested belong to this type.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“This phenomenon has no parallel in neighboring Romance languages nor in (at least western) sae, where potentiality and/or epistemic notions are expressed by modal (but independent) verbs.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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“The prospective participle is formed by adding -ko or -(r)en to the perfective participle.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 7
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“The auxiliary always bears the suffix -(a/e)n or -(a/e)la.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“Both forms of the prospective participle are identical with one of the two genitives Basque has: -ko is the local genitive (e.g., Bermeo-ko 'of Bermeo'), -(r)en the possessive one (e.g., Peru-ren 'Peru's').”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“These moods are formed through a distinct set of auxiliaries, built upon roots different from the ones of izan 'be' (intr.)and *edun 'have' (tr.), with no apparent correspondence in neighboring Romance languages, namely: *edin and *ezan”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“This was attached to loan verbs as well as to some autochthonous elements (har-tu, sar-tu, sal-du, etc.).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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“It cannot be by chance that the neutral form of Basque verbs -as found in dictionaries or word-listing contexts -is the perfective participle, again unlike in neighboring languages.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Acknowledgements
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“Both these functions are in retreat at that time, ousted by the synthetic or analytic forms of the present with the finite verb suffixed by ba-'if' , and by the thriving construction [perfective participle + izan / *edun past auxiliary], respectively.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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“From the point of view of the inner linguistic structure, it is the only language with an ergative alignment in its morphology, with Object (= O) agreement within the finite verb, and with Agent-Object-Verb (= aov) as the unmarked order of constituents within the clause.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 1 Introduction1
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“Its word order is mostly patterned according to the Modifier-Head type: Verb-Auxiliary, Genitive-Noun, Relative.Clause-Noun, and Noun-Postposition (= VAux, gn, RelN, and NPo), but also Noun-Adjective (= NAdj, traditionally considered an order of the Head-Modifier type, although this correlation has been disputed).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“The semantic development of the periphrastic perfect in Basque has run parallel to that of Romance languages, with the resultative meaning going along the pathway > perfect > near past > distant past, and reaching different phases of that progression depending on geography and period.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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“However, in today's Basque all of them have imperfective semantics.That means that, in order to express perfective and prospective or future predicates, one has to resort to analytic constructions even with these verbs.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > The tam System of Basque
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In the paper
“This development of the construction [perfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present auxiliary] is very similar to the one of neighboring languages, with the continental 8 I am adopting Nedjalkov and Jaxontov's (1988) classical terminology, also employed by Mounole (2014).9 This extension has been traditionally explained through French influence, where e.g., il est allé has evolved to”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
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“Handbooks (see e.g., Lausberg, 1962Lausberg, /1988: 319-325) : 319-325) describe the rise of the periphrastic perfect as a long process which starts in Classical Latin itself -if not earlier -, as a periphrasis limited, in transitives, to a handful of verbs, the accomplishment of which can imply the possession expressed by habere (as in equitatum ex omni provincia coactum habeo; Caes.BGall. 1, 15,”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Lausberg, 1962/1988: 319-325
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In the paper
“secondly because both allomorphs imply a combination of two kinds of borrowing: of concrete phonological matter in the case of -tu, of a functional and semantic morphological pattern in the case of -i (mat-borrowing and pat-borrowing respectively, in the terminology coined by Sakel, 2007).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
What the sources say
- Not checked — no full text of the sourcecites Sakel, 2007 source
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In the paper
“Hence, Old Common Basque was closer to a pure ergative system, the morpho-syntactic marking of which was based primarily on valency.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“Mounole (2014: 296-302) has summarized the evolution of the perfect construction as outlined in (5).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mounole (2014: 296-302)
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
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In the paper
“Its non-marked word order is theoretically aov, although this is not strict (in fact, in many corpus analyses, the opposite is true).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“In the replicating process from M to R, to use Sakel's (2007) terms, the participle-to-participle would be: a mat-borrowing when the Late Latin past passive participle -tu was borrowed as such, as from ( 3c) to ( 3d); and a pat-borrowing when it was replicated by means of an autochthonous perfective participle, as from ( 3a) to ( 3b); the replication of the auxiliaries 'be' / 'have' would be also”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
What the sources say
- Not checked — no full text of the sourcecites Sakel's (2007) source
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In the paper
“Its intransitive counterpart came from passive-intransitive expressions like res cognita est, which also indicated the resulting state and ended up in complementary distribution with the transitive perfect constructions.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“Mounole (2014: 303-304) summarizes the evolution of the construction as outlined in (6).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > laudatu(m) habe-o d.
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mounole (2014: 303-304)
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plainstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
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In the paper
“From the point of view of the contrast between Basque and sae, the sets with a Rec marker are not meaningful, as they arose as a result of an inner development with no clear match in neighboring languages, and they were not affected by the Latin-Romance influence either.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
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In the paper
“However, the number of unergative verbs is large enough for some analysts to consider it a split-S language (whatever the terminology).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“In Basque, the intr./tr.opposition and the peculiar disposition of S/O/A markers makes the job too difficult for synthetic inflection.Hence, analytic conjugation is required not only to form e.g.irrealis conditional apodoses (the Basque correspondence of Konjunktiv ii, as in inspiratuko luke '(s)he would inspire'), but also the standard present form, as in inspira-tzen du '(s)he inspires' .”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
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In the paper
“Most Basque VPs -in the functional sense -are analytic and comprise a nonfinite verb which contains the verbal lexeme and an overt or covert morpheme expressing tam values, plus an auxiliary verb which contains more tam morphemes, again overt or covert and amalgamated or not, and also the argument markers for A, S, O and Rec (= Recipient).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > The tam System of Basque
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In the paper
“Let us recall that this is roughly the period attributed to Old Common Basque.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“Since Mitxelena (1981Mitxelena ( /1987)), it is generally assumed that modern Basque dialects do not date back to Antiquity and that some coincidences between their geographic distribution and the tribe division made by Ptolemy in the 2nd century ad and some other authors are purely incidental.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 2 Sources, the Nature of Latin and Romance Influence, Periodization
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mitxelena (1981/1987)
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
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- Not matched
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In the paper
“Basque is an agglutinative language, which marks grammatical relations by means of case suffixes.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“Basque is, in principle, morphologically ergative.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“Instead, Mitxelena proposed that modern dialects may have had their starting point approximately in the 5th-6th centuries, simultaneously with a series of events like: a) the disappearance of all pre-Roman languages in neighboring areas except Basque itself, which suddenly became a linguistic island surrounded by (pre-)Romance languages, b) the socio-political upheavals typical of Late Antiquity,”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 2 Sources, the Nature of Latin and Romance Influence, Periodization
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mitxelena
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
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In the paper
“All those factors must have brought about some kind of common linguistic awareness which perhaps fostered a koiné.This is what is referred to as Old Common Basque (= ocb) in later research.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 2 Sources, the Nature of Latin and Romance Influence, Periodization
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In the paper
“Most unergative verbs fall into one of these three groups (see Aldai, 2009a).3Firstly, we have X egin compounds like lo egin 'sleep' , korrika egin 'run' , negar egin 'cry, weep' .”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
What the sources say
- Not checked — no full text of the sourcecites Aldai, 2009a source
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In the paper
“In addition, there is a closed class of verbs which allow synthetic conjugation.4These strong verbs belong to the nuclear lexicon of the language ('be' , 'have' , 'go' , 'come' , 'walk' , 'carry' , 'bring'), and are not borrowed.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > The tam System of Basque
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In the paper
“Nobody has succeeded, though, in establishing a semantic definition which always rightly predicts whether a particular predicate will be unergative or unaccusative.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 3 General Features of Basque: Is it Morphologically Ergative?
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In the paper
“In the present, the function of expressing realis conditional protases is taken over by present forms (synthetic or analytic, and also prefixed by ba-'if'), whereas, in the past, the expression of the narrative past is taken over by the construction [perfective participle + izan / *edun past auxiliary], whose original function -later still kept, in many varieties in competition with other forms -”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“when in Late Latin or Common Romance a compound perfect was grammaticalized which consisted of a past passive participle of simple morphology and an auxiliary verb, this was most welcome in Old Common Basque and was felt as the right entry point for Romance lexicon, inasmuch as that sector of the verbal morphology was sensitive to the intransitive / transitive opposition also in the donor language”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“To begin with, the genitive idea is not among the most frequent sources of futures (see Bybee et al., 1994: 251-253, where Basque is the only case)”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Bybee et al., 1994
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
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In the paper
“To sum up, pre-Old Common Basque must have already had an analytic construction of the structure [verb-stem + *edin 'come' / *ezan 'have-2' present and past auxiliary], which has no parallel in Latin and must be an internal development.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“Once replicated, the meaning of this construction ran parallel to that of Romance, functioning as a resultative perfect until the last centuries of the Middle Ages, and becoming a past from then on.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“Along with synthetic verbs, it must have covered all tam functions allowed by the verbal system.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
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In the paper
“This pattern with intr.'be' / tr.'have' auxiliaries was later analogically transferred to other constructions in order to create more tam possibilities formed analytically, i.e., to an emerging intransitive progressive periphrasis, and to a periphrastic future.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Acknowledgements
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In the paper
“Before beginning to borrow any grammatical structure from Latin and/ or Romance -not necessarily before borrowing any linguistic element nor of having any linguistic contact -, Basque verbal morphology had, most probably, at least two kinds of vps: synthetic forms and analytic forms of the structure [verb-stem + *edin / *ezan auxiliary].”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“The Romance deontic periphrastic construction had the afore-mentioned formal advantages and was semantically close to the future (a primary need in a tense-prominent language), so it served the task of making the whole verbal system coherent, finally ousting all the competing structures to express the future”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“The creation of a subjunctive, which basically occurred between the 15th and the 17th centuries, may have been motivated, or encouraged, by the influence of Romance.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“The result was a massive borrowing of words at all levels.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
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In the paper
“Now, there was nothing to prevent nouns, adjectives or adverbs from entering Basque and taking part in this process, as these elements have no prefixes in today's Basque nor could they have had them at the time of the first borrowings.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
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In the paper
“Let us now examine the construction [imperfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present / past auxiliary], which is of later formation than the one considered in Section 5, and has no parallel in neighboring Romance languages.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
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In the paper
“it is older than the ones of Sections 5-7, and must have existed in pre-ocb.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
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In the paper
“(a process which perhaps has to be understood within a drift of the language as a whole from aspect-prominence to tense-prominence).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
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In the paper
“Verbs, by contrast, were left out of the process for the reason put forward in Section 4: some of the argument markers were prefixed, and the morphological template was different in intransitive and transitive verbs, unlike in the donor language.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
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In the paper
“In these circumstances, the perfect construction came up as a solution which could serve as a cornerstone to introduce verbal lexemes into the language, as it hosted these in a morphologically simple participle, while the messy morphology was seen to by an autochthonous auxiliary.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
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In the paper
“Finally, the prevailing of the construction [prospective participle + izan / *edun auxiliary] as the expression of future over synthetic and analytic verbal forms suffixed by -te/-ke brought about the specialization of these as potential or epistemic, and hence the creation of a morphologized potential mood.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
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In the paper
“I also believe that the preponderant role that the perfective participle has among non-finite forms in modern Basque may be a remnant of that stage at which the analytic perfect was the entry point for Latin/Romance verbal vocabulary to get into the language.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Acknowledgements
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In the paper
“Since the imperfective participle is an originally derivational suffix implying 'time of' , or action, to which -n is attached, and since -n is the inessive marker (as in Bermeo-n 'in Bermeo'), Trask proposed that egi-te-n 'doing' was, in origin, 'on doing' .”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Trask
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- Not matched
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“Later, the verbal noun in the inessive would have been reanalyzed as part of the vp, and, by analogy with the perfect periphrases (joan da '(s)he has gone' vs. egin du '(s)he has done'), the intransitivity/transitivity of the auxiliary would have been determined by the lexical verb of the construction.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
hedgedstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: unclear — It is unclear why the paper says it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“from a cultural point of view the Basque-speaking population did not escape a thorough Romanization in many realms.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: fails — The paper may give no reason why it holds.
Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“By a process which is under way at the beginning of the written tradition (16th century), the construction [verb-stem + *edin / *ezan auxiliary] -without -te/-ke -is fenced into subjunctive functions, suffixed by -(a/e)n or -(a/e)la and restricted to subordinate clauses, thus giving rise to a morphologized subjunctive”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
plainstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: unclear — It is unclear why the paper says it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“the relative importance of synthetic forms must have been much larger in this period”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
hedged- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: fails — The paper may give no reason why it holds.
Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.
- Rests on an assumption: The relative importance of synthetic forms was much larger in pre-Old Common Basque.
None of the sources cited for this claim could be matched to a paper in Crossref, so there is nothing to check it against.
In the paper
“It has nothing to do, however, with the rise of a Basque written tradition, the translation of Spanish and French texts into Basque, etc., as one might think regarding the synchronicity of events (see Mounole, 2014 andAldai, 2009b, for more details on this issue).”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mounole, 2014
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Not matchedcites Aldai, 2009b
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: unclear — It is unclear whether the paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
- Not matched
In the paper
“(d) constructions of the type [verb-stem + *edin / *ezan present auxiliary + -te/-ke], (e) constructions of the type [present participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present auxiliary + -te/-ke].”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Mounole, 2014
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one. The quote only partly states this claim.
- Not matched
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“The functional motivation for this may have been that the synthetic forms antecedent of the present forms (e.g., nator 'I come' , dakart 'I bring' , etc.), originally progressive themselves, were becoming present”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
hedgedstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: fails — The paper may give no reason why it holds.
Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“Later, it would have gone through the process outlined in (2) of Section 5, the last stage of which implied their prevalence in main clauses, thus limiting [verb-stem + *edin 'come' / *ezan 'have-2' past auxiliary] -without -te/-ke -to subordinate clauses with a finite verb suffixed by -(a/e)n or -(a/e)la.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
hedgedstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“When Old Common Basque replicated the Late Latin structure [perfective participle + 'be' / 'have' present or past auxiliary], and Medieval Basque created more analytic constructions by extending the auxiliaries 'be' / 'have' to them, the construction [verb-stem + *edin 'come' / *ezan 'have-2' present and past auxiliary] was progressively relegated to subordinating contexts and to the expression of”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
plainstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
The paper states this without a source or data behind it here, so there is nothing to check it against. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“The suffix -te, which appears in all dialects in a varying number of contexts, was originally a derivational suffix implying 'time of' (as in euri-te 'rainy season').”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
plain- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: fails — The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“Likewise, another periphrasis formed by the perfective participle to which the local or possessive genitive was attached, plus a set of auxiliaries which are more difficult to guess -but certainly izan and/or *edun, i.e., the historically indicative ones -, gave rise to a future construction, perhaps deontic in origin and replicated from a Romance model, which in historical Basque would prevail as”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
hedgedstates a possible cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
A conclusion the paper draws from its own results — it cites no other source for it, so there is none to check. The quote shows it is in the paper.
In the paper
“this rendered the borrowing of verbs impossible, due to the incompatibility of finite-verb templates, Basque being sensitive to the intransitive / transitive opposition.”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
plainstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: passes — The paper’s conclusions depend on it.
- Based: unclear — It is unclear why the paper says it holds.
It may state two separate claims as one.
- Rests on an assumption: The relative importance of synthetic forms was much larger in pre-Old Common Basque.
In the paper
“after Urgell (2006) most agree that the large dialectal diversity of forms of the verbal noun argues in favor of a particularly late grammaticalization of the progressive construction [verbal noun + -n 'on' + izan 'be' present / past auxiliary], which turned into [imperfective participle + izan 'be' / *edun 'have' present / past auxiliary].”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Chronological Summary
What the sources say
- Not matchedcites Urgell (2006)
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
plainstates a cause- Asserted: passes — The authors put it forward as true.
- Checkable: passes — It can be checked against evidence.
- Load-bearing: fails — The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.
- Based: passes — The paper gives a reason why it holds.
Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.
- Rests on an assumption: Dialectal diversity of a form implies a later age of grammaticalization.
- Not matched
The paper relies on this without support.
The influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon.
“To begin with, the influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon, where the construction is not used to indicate narrative past.”
The paper relies on this without support.
In Gascon, the perfect construction is not used to indicate narrative past.
“To begin with, the influence which Basque has received has been mainly that of Gascon, where the construction is not used to indicate narrative past.”
The paper relies on this without support.
In Romance languages and more generally in Standard Average European, the construction [perfective participle + past auxiliary] expresses the pluperfect.
“In Romance languages, and more generally in Standard Average European, this construction expresses the pluperfect, whether past in the past, or perfect in the past holding on to the original resultative meaning.”
The paper relies on this without support.
Dialectal diversity of a form implies a later age of grammaticalization.
“because the imperfective participle displays dialectal diversity, and hence must be later than ocb”
The paper relies on this without support.
The relative importance of synthetic forms was much larger in pre-Old Common Basque.
“the relative importance of synthetic forms must have been much larger in this period”
Self-check
Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.
Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.
Rated minor: it would not touch a result — a value no result rests on, a p-value that stays on the same side of the significance level, or a conflict that is clerical, resolved elsewhere in the paper, or outside its own findings.
In the paper
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
“etortzen naiz 'you come (hab.)'”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 10 Conclusion
“-etor-tzen n-a-iz come-ipfv 1sgs-prs-aux 'I usually come'”
Rated minor: it would not touch a result — a value no result rests on, a p-value that stays on the same side of the significance level, or a conflict that is clerical, resolved elsewhere in the paper, or outside its own findings.
In the paper
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > Past
“[egin-go] [du] > [egingo du] > [egiten du] '(s)he has of doing > (s)he will do'”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > 6 The Basque (Analytic) Imperfective Present and Past
“*[egi-te-n] [da] > *[egi-ten da] > [egiten du] '(s)he is doing > (s) he does'”
Rated minor: it would not touch a result — a value no result rests on, a p-value that stays on the same side of the significance level, or a conflict that is clerical, resolved elsewhere in the paper, or outside its own findings.
In the paper
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
“1) those which are formed by adding -i to the verb-stem (etorr-i 'come' , ekarr-i 'bring' …); 2) those which are formed by adding -tu to the verb-stem (kanta-tu 'sing' , dantza-tu 'dance' , senti-tu 'feel, notice' , har-tu 'take' …)”
§ Latin and Romance Influence on the Basque Verbal Morphosyntax > da-kar-t pres-bring-1sga 'I bring' b.
“the participles of the first group (-tu participles of Latin/Romance origin) and those of the second group (autochthonous -i participles)”
Citations
Cites
The evolution of grammar: tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world
Bybee, J. (1995) · Choice Reviews Online · doi:10.5860/choice.32-4321 · Cited by 3,812
Language Contact and Grammatical Change
Heine, B., & Kuteva, T. (2005) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/cbo9780511614132 · Cited by 1,739
The Oxford Handbook of Grammaticalization
Heine, B., & Narrog, H. (2011) · Oxford University Press eBooks · doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199586783.001.0001 · Cited by 956
Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-Linguistic Perspective
Matras, Y., & Sakel, J. (2007) · doi:10.1515/9783110199192 · Cited by 496
The Typology of Resultative Constructions
Nedjalkov, V. P., & Jaxontov, S. J. (1988) · Typological studies in language · doi:10.1075/tsl.12.06ned · Cited by 308
Towards a History of the Basque Language
Hualde, J. I., Andrinua, J. A. L., & Trask, R. L. (1996) · Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series 4, Current issues in linguistic theory · doi:10.1075/cilt.131 · Cited by 130
Borrowed morphology: an overview
Gardani, F., Arkadiev, P. M., & Amiridze, N. (2014) · De Gruyter eBooks · doi:10.1515/9781614513209.1 · Cited by 103
Gramática histórica del español
Penny, R. J., Pascual, J. I. P., & Pascual, M. E. P. (1993) · Cited by 97
Types of loan: Matter and pattern
Sakel, J. (2007) · Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-Linguistic Perspective · doi:10.1515/9783110199192.15 · Cited by 89
Duden: Grammatik der deutschen Gegenwartssprache
Folsom, M. H. (1968) · The German Quarterly · doi:10.2307/403276 · Cited by 82
Research works printed but not linked: 1
- Trask, R. L. 1997. The History of Basque. London / New York: Routledge.
Cited by
Sorted by citations
Sobre la lengua de la mano de Irulegi: apuntes y conjeturas
Zuloaga, E., & Ariztimuño, B. (2023) · Fontes Linguae Vasconum · doi:10.35462/flv136.9_6 · Cited by 5
La mano de Irulegi: reflexiones desde la paleohispanística y la vascología [Dosier]
Churruca, J. G., & Santazilia, E. (2023) · Fontes Linguae Vasconum · doi:10.35462/flv136.9 · Cited by 1
Tchantouria, R. (2026) · doi:10.24834/isbn.9789178777525
Metadata
- Authors
- Martínez-Areta, M.
- Affiliations
- Professor of Basque Philology, Faculty of Letters, University of the Basque Country (upv/ehu), Vitoria/Gasteiz, Spain, miguelmzareta@netscape.net
- Venue
- Journal of Language Contact
- Publisher
- Walter de Gruyter GmbH
- Published
- 2022-08-23
- Volume
- 14
- Issue
- 3
- Pages
- 497-523
- ISSN
- 1877-4091 (ISSN-L)
- 1955-2629
- OpenAlex
- W4293589104
- Cited by
- 0
- References
- 22
- FWCI
- 0.00
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- diamond
- doi.org
- Licence
- Locations
- Journal of Language Contact (publishedVersion, cc-by-nc)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Language and Linguistics › Linguistics, Language Diversity, and Identity
- Social Sciences › Cultural Studies › Basque language and culture studies
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Language and Linguistics › Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
- Keywords
- Basque language, Latin influence, Romance influence, verb morphology, ergative alignment, perfect tense, grammaticalization, lexical borrowing, auxiliary verbs, verb valency, language contact, non-Indo-European languages
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