Bhadraloks and Enmity in Selected Bengal Partition Narratives

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

In Trankarta, news and rumours of horrific events reaching the Hindu Bhadralok locality terrified people, who stopped leaving their homes.

“The news and rumours of horrific events reaching the Hindu Bhadralok locality have petrified people who have stopped venturing out of their premises, worried about their own and their family's survival amidst the 'resurrection of a primitive barbarism'.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Nabendu Ghosh's 'Trankarta' is a rare Bangla short story that depicts the lived world of the riots.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

In Trankarta, Mr Bose preferred to organise a defence committee meeting for community security, and no lower-caste representative was invited.

“Rather, he prefers to organise a defence committee meeting to decide security measures for the 'community'.No lower-caste representative is invited to the meeting.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Nabendu Ghosh's 'Trankarta' is a rare Bangla short story that depicts the lived world of the riots.

Probably not a substantial claim.

Ghosh asserted that a united Bengal would mean Muslim domination.

“To convince his readers, Ghosh asserted that united Bengal meant the domination of Muslims”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one. The quote only partly states this claim.

In the elite Bhadralok locality depicted, a small Dom caste slum population lives in cramped pigeon-hole homes, works as sweepers and drain cleaners, and barely manages to eat.

“At the end of the elite and Bhadralok locality… a few people lived in a slum, maybe two hundred people, Dom by caste.”

• Also stated in: § Homogenisation · plain

  “They work as sweepers, clean the roads, clean the drains … They hardly manage to have rice, even if full of tiny pebbles”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

In Ijjat, the lower-caste protagonist Jagannath Sarkar has elevated his social status to Brahmin and acts what he feels is a Brahmin's duty by arousing fear of Muslim tyranny and promising to bleed the enemy.

“In another short story, Ijjat (The Honor), written by Narayan Gangopadhyay, the protagonist from a lower caste, Jagannath Sarkar, has elevated his social status to a Brahmin.He acts what he feels is the rightful duty of a Brahmin -to arouse fear of Muslim tyranny -and promises to bleed the 'enemy', if needed.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The motives and attitudes attributed to fictional characters can be treated as evidence of real social processes among Bhadraloks and lower castes.

Probably not a substantial claim.

The meeting in the story unanimously decides that the lower-caste Doms must be bribed and deceived through their leader Jhogru so that they can be drawn into riots for the community's security.

“The meeting results in the unanimous decision that the lowercaste people, the Doms, need to be bribed and deceived through their leader, Jhogru, to draw them into the riots for the security of the 'community'.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

In the story, the protagonist proposes that internal caste distinctions be set aside and that a shared Hindu religious identity be given priority.

“The protagonist here proposes to forget internal differences between castes and prioritise their common religious identity.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Frightened people hardly verified the information reaching them and ran to safe places where many people of the same community lived.

“People, utterly panicked, ran to safe places where a large number of people from the same community lived.Frightened people hardly verified the information reaching them.”

• cites Raychoudhuri 2007Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

When Ghosh spoke of cultural disenfranchisement in political, economic, and academic institutions, he meant upper-caste culture.

“When Ghosh talks about the disenfranchisement of culture over political, economic and academic institutions, it inherently means upper-caste culture”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Memory and identity built on enmity and retaliation during and after Partition violence shaped how pre-Partition undivided India is viewed from the post-colonial present.

“how narrative memory and identity based on enmity and retaliation towards the 'others', during and after the organised violence of Partition, have shaped the way pre-Partition undivided India is seen, in retrospect, from a post-colonial present.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Sarkar described a move toward aggressive Hindutva based on an enemy image of Islam.

“towards aggressive Hindutva postulated usually upon an enemy image of a similarly conceived Islam (Sarkar 1998, 363).”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Upper-caste Hindus largely avoided performing violent acts and were only negligibly affected by the clashes.

“Upper-caste Hindus strategically refrained almost completely from the performative production of violent actions and were negligibly affected by the clashes (Das 1991).”

• cites Das 1991Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Hindu elite pursued a Hindu-majority land because they believed undivided Bengal threatened them with economic decline, political loss, and cultural marginalisation under Muslim majority rule.

“This was done to achieve a land where the Hindus would be the absolute majority, unlike the undivided Bengal, where they believed they were under threat of economic relegation, political disempowerment, and cultural disenfranchisement under Muslim majoritarian pressure.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

How animosity was aroused and the enemy image entrenched in everyday life lies beyond the scope of history as a discipline.

“I argue that the way the animosity was aroused and the 'enemy image' wilfully entrenched within quotidian life seem to be beyond the arena set by history as a discipline.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

This literary pattern came from the political stance of the Progressive Writers' Association and the Communist Party, whose members influenced Bengali literary circles in the 1940s.

“This results from a political stance adopted by the Progressive Writers' Association and the Communist Party, 3 members of which were influential in Bengali literary circles during the 1940s.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Bhadraloks linked lower-caste Hindus with wildness, polygamy, and closeness to Muslims, which they feared would disenfranchise their culture.

“While Bhadraloks associated the lowercaste Hindus with 'wildness and polygamy' and proximity with Muslims, which they feared could eventually lead to the disenfranchisement of their culture”

It may state two separate claims as one.

When Ghosh discussed Hindu-majority districts in western Bengal, he referred to the whole Hindu community, making Hindus monolithic and ignoring hierarchy.

“But when he discusses Hindu-dominated districts in the Western part of Bengal, as mentioned earlier, he refers to the entire community.Here, Hindus become a monolithic community, bereft of any hierarchical division.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Reading cultural texts that carry public and private memories will show how Hindutva, aided by Bhadraloks, homogenised the internal differences that had historically existed within the Hindu community.

“My interrogation of cultural texts bearing public and private memories will explain how Hindutva aggressively pulled the strings, with the help of Bhadralok, to homogenise the internal differences that historically existed within the Hindu community.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Hindu elite's main contribution during Partition was to deepen the rift between communities and embed communal division in the daily life of non-elites.

“the Hindu elite's major contribution during Partition, as this paper will demonstrate, was to harden the rift between the two communities and to embed the communal divide more firmly within the quotidian experience of the non-elites.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

These covert Bhadralok actions changed how the harmonious past of undivided India is remembered and imposed a post-Partition Hindu identity grounded in hostility toward others.

“These covert orchestrations, this paper argues, have irrevocably altered the ways of remembering the harmonious past of undivided India, imposing a forceful post-Partition identity over the Hindus based on enmity towards 'others' in India.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

In the post-2014 context, memories of upper-caste Hindu involvement in Partition clashes and their narratives have likely been suppressed and erased.

“Given the post-2014 scenario, it is likely that memories of the upper-caste Hindu involvement in Partition clashes and their narratives have been 'subjugated, ignored, lost, suppressed … and forcefully erased'.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Bhadralok involvement in creating communal division included narrative construction and campaigning.

“Bhadralok participation in creating the communal rift involved but was not limited to narrative construction and campaigning.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Bhadraloks put their sectarian interests above pluralism.

“Unlike Sarat Bose, Bhadraloks prioritised their sectarian interest over plurality.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Because a Hindu-majority land could not be achieved without division, most Bhadraloks refused to listen to Sarat Bose.

“Without a division, achieving a Hindu majority land was impossible, so most Bhadraloks refused to listen to Sarat Bose.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Bengal Partition literature deliberately celebrated surviving harmony, unlike western border Partition literature, which is usually presented as a spectacular dance of death.

“With Bengal Partition literature consciously choosing to celebrate the remaining harmony as opposed to the western border Partition that is habitually presented as a spectacular dance of death”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Ghosh aimed to create a situation in which Partition appeared to be the only logical solution.

“Instead, his objective, I argue, was to orchestrate a situation where Partition would look like the only logical solution.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Bhadraloks used a rational and argumentative style while covertly constructing justifications for their narrow group interests.

“As a product of the colonial educational system, they adopted a rational, argumentative approach but surreptitiously weaving a rationale to legitimise their narrow sectoral group interests.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Bhadraloks were deeply influenced by nationalism since the nineteenth-century Bengal Renaissance.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: As products of the colonial educational system, Bhadraloks adopted a rational and argumentative approach.

Probably not a substantial claim.

Ghosh's 'Banglar Katha' column analysed contemporary politics from a mainly upper-class, caste-Hindu viewpoint.

“I have selected this column because it analysed contemporary political affairs from a predominantly upper-class, caste-Hindu perspective.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Desh served as a status emblem for middle-class Bhadralok readers.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Reading Bhadralok-preferred magazines and literary texts as memory narratives can reveal how narrators exerted subjective control over memory and how this helped homogenise the community and create an identity based on hostility.

“An exploration of such narratives can help unfold how subjective control over memory was wilfully exerted by the narrators and how that impacted the understanding of the clash by millions as rationally a right step and helped to homogenise the community, attempting to create an identity based on hostility.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Empirical evidence of organised communal contribution by Hindu elites in inciting the rest of the community to riot is lacking.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

U.N. Mukherji's Hindu: A Dying Race (1909) argued that unification was the only way out in the context of Muslim growth and Hindu demographic decline, based on census data and prediction.

“For example, Hindu: A Dying Race (1909) by U.N. Mukherji suggested unification as the only way out under the circumstances of Muslim growth and Hindu demographic decline based on census data and prediction, 'a purely derivative discourse' (Sarkar 1998, 387).”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

From Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946 until the Declaration of Independence, Calcutta remained segregated into Hindu and Muslim neighbourhoods, and news about events elsewhere was fabricated.

“As the city of Calcutta remained segregated into Hindu and Muslim neighbourhoods from Direct Action Day (16 August 1946) up to the Declaration of Independence, news items about happenings in other places were fabricated.”

• cites Raychoudhuri 2007Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Jhogru thought participating in violent action might integrate him and his caste with the community, while Jagannath thought creating narratives like Bhadraloks and performing violent acts would make him indispensable; they are not positioned in the same hierarchy.

“Jhogru, the character in Nabendu Ghosh's short story, thought participating in violent action might let him and his caste integrate with the community.The same is the case of Jagannath, who thinks creating narratives like Bhadraloks and performing violent acts will make him indispensable to the community.Jhogru and Jagannath are not positioned in the same hierarchy,”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The motives and attitudes attributed to fictional characters can be treated as evidence of real social processes among Bhadraloks and lower castes.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The quoted leaflet depicts blaming and revenge as two major thematic building blocks of enmity.

“This leaflet depicts two of the major thematic building blocks of enmity: blaming and revenge.”

• cites Mukherjee 2017Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Riot as a historical configuration sharpens the self-interest of all groups, leading each group to believe that participating in riots serves its interests.

“Riot as a historical configuration sharpens the self-interest of all the groups.In other words, every group is made to believe that their interest is served by participation in the riots.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Lower-caste participation against the enemy can potentially earn them a better position in the Hindu community, at least in their imagination.

“but their participation against the enemy, the 'Other', can potentially earn a better position in the Hindu community, at least in their imagination.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Tapan Raychoudhuri recalls that before the riots the difference between truth and falsehood narrowed, and people were fed manufactured narratives, with newspapers full of false news.

“Tapan Raychoudhuri, in his autobiography, Bangal-Nama, recalls how the scenario before the riots created phantasmagoria, where the difference between 'truth' and 'false' became narrow.He talks of people being fed manufactured narratives, with even newspapers full of false news:”

• cites Raychoudhuri 2007Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Memory is a highly contested space often influenced by today's personal identities that peripheralise some and hegemonise others, leaving less space for forgetting and forgiving.

“Memory as a highly contested space is often influenced by today's personal identities that peripheralise some and hegemonise others, leaving less space for forgetting and forgiving.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

Sumit Sarkar mapped the transition from Hinduism towards Hindutva.

“Sumit Sarkar has mapped the transition from Hinduism towards Hindutva (Sarkar 1998).”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

In the story, Jhogru dies after saving the Bhadraloks, Mr Bose moves to Bhawanipur without guilt, and the upper caste succeeds in scapegoating the lower castes.

“The story ends with Jhogru dead after saving the Bhadraloks that night and Mr Bose moving to Bhawanipur, a safe place.Mr Bose feels no guilt.He believes he has compensated the loss with some fifty rupees given as a 'bribe'.In this story, the upper caste succeeds in scapegoating the lower castes.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The motives and attitudes attributed to fictional characters can be treated as evidence of real social processes among Bhadraloks and lower castes.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Trankarta's narrative moves between the Bhadralok domestic space and slum dwellers to show their dissimilarity, with one group necessarily ashamed of the other's existence.

“The narrative keeps oscillating between the domestic space of the Bose family and the slum dwellers, mainly poor working men and women, to delineate the degree of dissimilarity between them, where one is necessarily ashamed of the other's existence.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Nabendu Ghosh's 'Trankarta' is a rare Bangla short story that depicts the lived world of the riots.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

These memory narratives sometimes become building blocks for a selectively cropped nationalist narrative.

“Sometimes, they become the building blocks for a selectively cropped nationalist narrative.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Beginning with Mukherji and Bhattacharji, most leading Hindutva figures advocated reducing caste barriers and unifying the community through Hindu religious identity, Bharatvarsha as indigenous origin, and an anti-Muslim thrust.

“Beginning with Mukherji and Bhattacharji, most of the leading lights of Hindutva, including Shraddhanand, Savarkar, Hedgewar and Golwalkar 8 , advocated for the reduction of caste barriers and unification of the community by using Hindu religious identity as a cultural thread and Bharatvarsha as a place of indigenous origin, along with an anti-Muslim thrust.”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Even though Doms and Bhadraloks share the same locality, they inhabit separate worlds, and religious identity does not serve as a unifying bond between them.

“Although inhabitants of the same locality, they live in two different worlds -religious identity is hardly a unifying thread over their unsettling juxtapositions.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The forms of memory narratives explored in the paper significantly influence the shaping of patterns of remembering.

“The forms of memory narratives explored here significantly influence the shaping of patterns of remembering.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Chere Asa Gram is a collection of life stories first serially published in Jugantar from 1950 onward and collected in 1975 by Dankshinaranjan Basu, recounting memories of 67 authors from East Bengal villages who migrated to West Bengal.

“For instance, Chere Asa Gram (in English.the abandoned village) is a collection of life stories that were first serially published in a Bengali newspaper, Jugantar, from 1950 onward and later collected in this book in 1975 by Dankshinaranjan Basu.It recounts the memories of 67 authors of their native villages in East Bengal, from where they migrated to West Bengal.”

• cites Basu 1975Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one. The quote only partly states this claim.

The leaflet 'Andhakarachchanana Dipaboli...' uses Sanskritized sadhu Bengali with Tatsama words, which proves the writer's caste and educational status and plausibly indicates Bhadralok origin.

“The leaflet, 'Andhakarachchanana Dipaboli K Pak Muslimer Rokte Ronjito Koria Tulibar Daitto Loite Hoibe', presents a Sanskritized sadhu Bengali (opposed to chalti or colloquial language) marked with Tatsama 9 words, which proves the caste and educational”

It may state two separate claims as one.

For refugees, the border legitimises violence, and their memory of loss and desire for revenge as an ethical choice are influenced by their new spatiotemporal context where Bhadralok narratives dominate public discourses.

“In the literal sense of the word, the border becomes a complex line in the perception of refugees.To them, the border legitimises violence.The memory of their inexplicable loss and the desire to exact revenge as an ethical choice are influenced by their new spatiotemporal context, where Bhadralok narratives dominate the public discourses.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Dom residents' existence is an embarrassment to the elite Bhadralok locality, and the gap between the two groups involves caste as well as economic, cultural, educational and status inequalities.

“Their 'tiny and godforsaken existence' is nothing but an utter embarrassment to the 'elite and Bhadralok locality'.The difference between them involves not just caste but also economic, cultural, educational, and status disparities.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

Bhattacharji found that Sanskritisation was strengthening caste hierarchy rather than reducing it, as upwardly mobile Namasudras and Mahisyas distinguished themselves sharply from Chandals and Kaivartas.

“Bhattacharji found it was making the hierarchy stronger instead of reducing it as upwardly mobile Namasudras and Mahisyas were distinguishing themselves sharply from Chandals and Kaivartas (Sarkar 1998, 384).”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

In Anindya Raychaudhuri's work, interviewee Geeta, an upper-caste Hindu migrant woman, expresses animosity towards Muslims, linking her present anger to past loss and the experience of Muslims as enemies.

“Similarly, in Anindya Raychaudhuri's work, one of the interviewees, Geeta, a Hindu uppercaste migrant woman, vehemently expresses this animosity:”

• cites Raychaudhuri 2019 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Oral testimonies collected years later accurately report enduring communal hostility.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Homogenisation of internal differences was later advocated and implemented by the RSS to ensure lower castes 'fell on' Islamic others, but it initially emerged from Bhadralok thinking as a solution to Hindu demographic decline and the need for lower-caste elevation in early twentieth-century Bengal.

“While homogenisation of internal differences was a step advocated and implemented by the RSS later as the mechanism to ensure the lower castes 'fell on' Islamic others, it can be said to have initially sprouted from Bhadralok brains as the solution for Hindu demographic decline and need for lower-caste elevation in the context of Bengal at the”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

In Anil Bain's case, national and religious identities changed after migration, but the venom remains.

“In Anil Bain's case, the national identity has changed after migration, as has the religious identity, but the venom remains.”

• cites Mandal 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Oral testimonies collected years later accurately report enduring communal hostility.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

If disinformation is presented through a trustworthy medium such as a printed newspaper rather than merely verbally, its impact would be stronger.

“If disinformation is presented through a trustworthy medium, such as a printed newspaper, instead of merely verbally, the impact would be stronger.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The notion of revenge is powerful; even after conversion to non-mainstream reformist Hindu religions, hostility towards Muslims does not necessarily disappear.

“This notion of revenge has been unbelievably powerful.Even after conversion to nonmainstream, reformist chords of the Hindu religion, their hostility towards Muslims does not necessarily go away.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

In the story, Mr Bose's intent does not seem to be bribery; he calls Jhogru brother, making Jhogru believe that he and his community belong to the broader Hindu community, and thereby draws them into protecting the community by joining communal clashes.

“Here, the intent does not seem to be to bribe; rather, Mr Bose, an archetypal, anglicised upper-caste Bhadralok figure, decides to call Jhogru 'brother', and the magic happens.Jhogru, 'overwhelmed', is made to believe that he and his community truly belong to the broader Hindu community.Thus, Mr Bose draws Jhogru and his folks into protecting the 'community' by joining the communal clashes.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The motives and attitudes attributed to fictional characters can be treated as evidence of real social processes among Bhadraloks and lower castes.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The story's depiction of Mr Bose welcoming Jhogru resembles Ambedkar's statement that a caste feels no affiliation to other castes except during a Hindu-Muslim riot.

“This description resembles Ambedkar's statement, 'A caste has no feeling that it is affiliated to other castes except there is a Hindu-Muslim riot' (Ambedkar 2014, 50).”

• cites Ambedkar 2014Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

It may state two separate claims as one.

In Bhadralok memories of Partition, enmity has persisted and become part of public discourses that influence personal and collective memory.

“In Bhadralok's painful memories of the Partition, enmity has lived on and become part of the public discourses that influence personal and collective memory.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Digindranarayan Bhattacharji's Jati-Bheda (1912) made a sharp anti-caste argument and suggested abandoning Sanskritisation.

“While Sanskritisation was initially proposed as an important step for lower-caste upliftment by a dogmatic section of the Bhadralok community, Digindranarayan Bhattacharji's Jati-Bheda (1912) came out with a sharp anti-caste argument and suggested abandoning Sanskritisation.”

• cites Sarkar 1998Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

Paul Brass observed that in the last days of British rule, violence was not only a consequence of Partition but a principal mechanism for creating the condition for Partition.

“Paul Brass has observed:”

• cites Brass 2006Not checked — no full text of the source

It may state two separate claims as one.

The leaflet tries to reframe violent acts as ethically permissible, presenting them as the performance of duty and an act of necessity.

“It tries to reconfigure the violent acts within the permissibility of ethics, presenting it as the performance of duty, an act of necessity.”

• cites Mukherjee 2017Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

Jagannath, though not originally Bhadralok, feels insecure about his elevated status and believes carrying forward Bhadralok hate narratives will secure his position, so he tries to exceed Bhadraloks by promising to shed the enemy's blood.

“Earlier, Jagannath did not belong to the Bhadralok community.Despite keeping a half-foot Tiki, he feels insecure about his new-found elevated location.He believes that carrying forward the hate narratives of Bhadralok will help him permanently secure his position.Hence, he tries to go to the extent even Bhadraloks cannot.He says he can shed the enemy's blood.He becomes a person who not only narr”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The motives and attitudes attributed to fictional characters can be treated as evidence of real social processes among Bhadraloks and lower castes.

It may state two separate claims as one.

Happy memories are not directly accessible from the narrator's present spatiotemporal location, and violent memory becomes a metaphorical border between periods of happiness and suffering.

“In other words, it is as though happy memories are not directly accessible from the narrator's present spatiotemporal location, and the violent memory becomes a metaphorical border in the memorial terrain between two periods marked by happiness and inconsolable sufferings.”