Partisan Hostility and American Democracy
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Highly polarized partisans support leaders from their party regardless of their actual performance regarding COVID-19.
“Along these lines, Druckman et al. (2024) show highly polarized partisans support leaders from their party regardless of their actual performance regarding COVID-19.”
From How to study democratic backsliding (2024) · cites this paper as Druckman et al. (2024)
This includes opposition to compromise across parties, supporting more extreme positions on public policy, and evaluating the performance of public officials based on their partisan affiliations rather than their actions.
“This includes opposition to compromise across parties, supporting more extreme positions on public policy, and evaluating the performance of public officials based on their partisan affiliations rather than their actions (Druckman et al., 2024;Levendusky, 2023).”
From How to study democratic backsliding (2024) · cites this paper as Druckman et al., 2024
Druckman et al. (2024) suggest that those with higher levels of affective polarization have an increased likelihood of engaging in partisan-motivated reasoning.
“Druckman et al. (2024) suggest that those with higher levels of affective polarization have an increased likelihood of engaging in partisan-motivated reasoning.”
From How to study democratic backsliding (2024) · cites this paper as Druckman et al. (2024)
Political sectarianism better captures strong feelings that lead partisans to sacrifice democratic norms, while affective polarization captures milder forms of affect influencing social relationships.
“The former does a better job enveloping strong feelings that lead partisans to sacrifice democratic norms such as checks and balances or obeying unfavorable court rulings.11 The latter captures milder forms of affect that influence social relationships, such as willingness to work with members of the other party (e.g., Broockman et al., 2023;Lelkes & Westwood, 2017) and cue-taking in terms of”
From Measuring affective polarization: Matching concepts to measures (2026) · cites this paper as Druckman et al., 2024
Nearly all work on affective polarization excludes pure independents.
“Nearly all work on affective polarization excludes pure independents (including our own work, see Druckman et al., 2024).”
From Measuring affective polarization: Matching concepts to measures (2026) · cites this paper as Druckman et al., 2024
If weak partisans who are less affectively polarized systematically did not respond to surveys, then the survey would overstate levels of affective polarization, unless addressed with weighting.
“For instance, if weak partisans who are less affectively polarized (Abramowitz, 2010;Druckman et al., 2024) systematically did not respond to surveys, then the survey would overstate levels of affective polarization: it would be missing a part of the less polarized population (unless it could be addressed with weighting).”
From Measuring affective polarization: Matching concepts to measures (2026) · cites this paper as Druckman et al., 2024
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- Authors
- Druckman, J. N., Klar, S., Krupnikov, Y., Levendusky, M., & Ryan, J. B.
- Venue
- University of Chicago Press eBooks
- Publisher
- University of Chicago Press
- Published
- 2024
- OpenAlex
- W4386828425
- Cited by
- 69
- References
- 0
- Citations by year
- 2026: 24 · 2025: 37 · 2024: 6 · 2023: 2
- FWCI
- 378.47
- Type
- book
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- University of Chicago Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Political Theory and Democracy
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Media Influence and Politics
- Keywords
- partisan hostility, political polarization, American democracy, partisanship, political conflict
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