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Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War
Abstract
Based on a detailed study of 35 cases in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and post-communist Eurasia, this book explores the fate of competitive authoritarian regimes between 1990 and 2008. It finds that where social, economic, and technocratic ties to the West were extensive, as in Eastern Europe and the Americas, the external cost of abuse led incumbents to cede power rather than crack down, which led to democratization. Where ties to the West were limited, external democratizing pressure was weaker and countries rarely democratized. In these cases, regime outcomes hinged on the character of state and ruling party organizations. Where incumbents possessed developed and cohesive coercive party structures, they could thwart opposition challenges, and competitive authoritarian regimes survived; where incumbents lacked such organizational tools, regimes were unstable but rarely democratized.
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“Levitsky and Way (2010, 91) go so far as to categorize the country as competitive authoritarian, though in the data we use, Slovakia does not experience a breakdown.”
From Parties, Civil Society, and the Deterrence of Democratic Defection (2020) · cites this paper as Levitsky and Way 2010
In the citing paper
“Conversely, authoritarian regimes often manipulate legal structures to consolidate power while preserving a democratic façade, a phenomenon described by Levitsky and Way (2010) as 'competitive authoritarianism.'”
From The Role of Law in Strengthening Democratic Governance (2025) · cites this paper as Levitsky and Way (2010)
In the citing paper
“These findings support the arguments of Levitsky and Way (2010), who contend that when judicial independence is compromised, democracy deteriorates, and authoritarian rule expands.”
From The Role of Law in Strengthening Democratic Governance (2025) · cites this paper as Levitsky and Way (2010)
In the citing paper
“The cumulative weight of this literature is that competitive elections are necessary but not sufficient for democratic consolidation, and that the conditions under which they are sufficient remain incompletely theorized.”
From THE LIMITS OF ELECTORAL COMPETITION: HOW POLITICAL OPENINGS CAN FUEL PATRONAGE AND INSTABILITY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA - A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SIERRA LEONE, GHANA, AND KENYA (2026) · cites this paper as Levitsky and Way (2010)
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“Uganda and Morocco are rather borderline cases: Uganda scores 6 in the legislative and 7 in the executive elections indicator but is generally considered as competitive (Levitsky and Way 2010, 32).”
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Metadata
- Authors
- Levitsky, S., & Way, L. A.
- Affiliations
- Harvard University (US)
- University of Toronto (CA)
- ORCID
- Way, Lucan A.
- Venue
- Cambridge University Press eBooks
- Publisher
- Cambridge University Press
- Published
- 2010-08-16
- OpenAlex
- W4300022765
- Cited by
- 3,459
- References
- 0
- Citations by year
- 2026: 444 · 2025: 375 · 2024: 177 · 2023: 183 · 2022: 220 · 2021: 263 · 2020: 305 · 2019: 343 · 2018: 276 · 2017: 187 · 2016: 192 · 2015: 148 · 2014: 135 · 2013: 102 · 2012: 68
- FWCI
- 86.59
- Type
- book
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- Cambridge University Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political Conflict and Governance
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Political Theory and Democracy
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Politics and Society in Latin America
- Keywords
- competitive authoritarianism, democratization, regime survival, state organization, incumbent firms, Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia
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