The structure-identity nexus: Syria and Turkey's collapse (2011)

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Turkey organized the second Friends of Syria meetings in April 2012, which sought international designation of the SNC as Syria's legitimate government-in-exile.

“Turkey organized the second Friends of Syria meetings in April 2012, which sought international designation of the SNC as Syria's legitimate government-in-exile.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Some months later, defectors from the Syrian army were allowed to use Turkish territory to group themselves into the Free Syrian Army, from where they began to engage with Assad's forces.

“Some months later, defectors from the Syrian army were also allowed to use Turkish territory to group themselves into the Free Syrian Army, from where they began to engage with Assad's forces.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The AKP won parliamentary elections in 2002 and redefined Turkish identity in terms of regional leadership of a shared Islamic civilization.

“The Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) won parliamentary elections in 2002 and redefined Turkish identity in terms of regional leadership of a shared Islamic civilization.”

May combine two claims.

The Syria-Turkey relationship transformed from enmity in the 1990s to détente in the early 2000s, grew into amity after the AKP's rise to power in 2002, and reverted to enmity after the Arab Spring.

“The relation between Syria and Turkey transformed from enmity in the 1990s to détente in the early 2000s, grew into amity after the rise to power of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) in 2002, and reverted to enmity in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.”

• Also stated in: § 1. Introduction: shifts in Syria and Turkey's moment · plain

  “In the space of a few months, the Turkey-Syria relationship that improved after the Adana Accords in 1998, and evolved into high levels of cooperation between 2004 and 2011, ended in a complete reversal and return to enmity.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

This outcome became the object of increasing criticism by the Kemalist opposition, the Republican People's Party.

“This outcome became the object of increasing criticism by the Kemalist opposition, the Republican People's Party.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The Kemalists attacked the policy of choosing sides and interfering in Syria's internal affairs, and the resulting turbulence on the border that empowered Kurdish militants.

“The Kemalists attacked the policy of choosing sides and interfering in Syria's internal affairs, and the resulting turbulence on the border that empowered Kurdish militants.”

May combine two claims.

The structure of mutual interactions incurred no major shift; rather, domestic agency within Syria created a situation to which leaders on both sides reacted with different policy choices.

“The structure of mutual interactions incurred no major shift; rather, domestic agency within Syria created a situation to which leaders on both sides reacted with different policy choices.”

May combine two claims.

Ankara renounced Turkey's traditional defence of the principle of sovereignty, and the repercussions resounded both at domestic and regional levels.

“Ankara renounced the country's traditional defence of the principle of sovereignty, and the repercussions resounded both at domestic and regional levels.”

May combine two claims.

The amity between Syria and Turkey quickly devolved to enmity after 2011, showing the importance of human agency and ideas.

“This amity quickly devolved to enmity after 2011, which shows the undeniable importance of human agency and ideas, or the capacity for individuals to act and think independently of structures.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The framework also moves beyond constructivist perspectives by accounting for material/structural realities in power relations and the need to provide historical contextualization.

“It also moves beyond constructivist perspectives by accounting for material/structural realities in power relations and the need to provide historical contextualization.”

May combine two claims.

Mutual perceptions, rather than simply given material power distributions, are an important part of power and identity; they are shaped by the specifics of history and geography in individual cases.

“Mutual perceptions, rather than simply given material power distributions, are an important part of power and identity; they are shaped by the specifics of history and geography in individual cases (Daoudy 2013, 133-134).”

• cites Daoudy 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The early success of the zero-problems policy initiated by Turkey's Minister of Foreign Affairs Davutoglu, of which Syria was the emblem, helped elevate the AKP's domestic standing, while the return to conflict and the failure of this policy left Erdogan more vulnerable to his opponents.

“While the early success of the zero-problems policy initiated by Turkey's Minister of Foreign Affairs Davutoglu, 5 of which Syria was the emblem, helped elevate the AKP's domestic standing, so the return to conflict and the failure of this policy left Erdogan more vulnerable to his opponents.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Domestic policy processes become drivers of foreign policy outcomes, while changing identities congruent with shifts in systemic power distributions tend to precipitate new regional alignments.

“Domestic policy processes, therefore, also become drivers of foreign policy outcomes, while changing identities congruent with shifts in systemic (global or regional) power distributions tend to precipitate new regional alignments.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Power relationships produce norms, which, in turn, change existing power structures.

“He compares and contrasts the relationships between agency, embodying ideas and structural constraints; and shows how power relationships produce norms, which, in turn, change existing power structures (2010,48,165,169).”

• cites Barkin 2010Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The interplay between context, identity and policy factors captures interactions at multiple levels of analysis, specifically relating to the weight of ideational and material factors in determining foreign policy choices.

“The interplay between context, identity and policy factors captures interactions at multiple levels of analysis, specifically relating to the weight of ideational and material factors in determining foreign policy choices.”

May combine two claims.

Erdogan's domestic position mirrored the tangent of his foreign policy, which became contentious in Turkish politics.

“Erdogan's domestic position also mirrored the tangent of his foreign policy, which became contentious in Turkish politics.”

May combine two claims.

For Davutoglu, Assad had 'come to the end of the road' and, anticipating that his regime would soon fall, Turkey opted to host the Muslim Brotherhood-led Syrian National Council (SNC) leadership in exile with which it had forged a close relationship.

“For Davutoglu, Assad had 'come to the end of the road' (BBC 2011) and, anticipating that his regime would soon fall, Turkey opted to host the Muslim Brotherhood-led Syrian National Council (SNC) leadership in exile with which it had forged a close relationship.”

• cites BBC 2011Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The framework developed in this paper takes analysis beyond the (neo-)realist primacy of the international structure by adding regional and domestic layers, and acknowledging the role of identity and ideology.

“The framework developed in this paper takes the analysis beyond the (neo-)realist primacy of the international structure by adding regional and domestic layers, and acknowledging the role of identity and ideology.”

May combine two claims.

The Syrian refugees in Turkey also became a security concern for their host, raising alarms within public opinions about increased influx and clashes on Turkish territory.

“In addition to their plight, the Syrian refugees in Turkey also became a security concern for their host, raising alarms within public opinions about increased influx and clashes on Turkish territory (Milliyet 2012).”

• cites Milliyet 2012Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

In the wake of the Syrian uprisings, the amicability with Turkey gradually eroded, and perceptions of identities shifted on both sides of the borders, leading to negative tit for tat over territorial claims, Syrian opposition groups and the Kurds.

“In the wake of the Syrian uprisings, the amicability with Turkey gradually eroded, and perceptions of identities shifted on both sides of the borders, leading to negative tit for tat over territorial claims, Syrian opposition groups and the Kurds, as shown in Figure 3.”

May combine two claims.

Domestic factors changed the bilateral relation between Syria and Turkey and also impacted domestic and regional structures.

“Domestic factors changed the bilateral relation; they also impacted on domestic and regional structures.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Domestic actors have the power to respond to systemic change in various ways depending on identity-shaped perception of threats and opportunities, and they also affect the systemic structure.

“Allowing for the role of agency implies that one recognizes the power of domestic actors to respond to systemic change in various ways depending on identity-shaped perception of threats and opportunities; they also, in turn, affect the systemic structure.”

May combine two claims.

Following the Arab Spring and the initial success of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, norms relating to social justice, human rights and accountability disseminated regionally, which necessitated a response from Turkey; its regional soft power had been damaged by a response to the Libyan revolt that seemed to prioritize economic interests.

“However, following the Arab Spring and the initial success of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, norms relating to social justice, human rights and accountability disseminated regionally, which necessitated a response from Turkey; its regional soft power had been damaged by a response to the Libyan revolt that seemed to prioritize economic interests (Kirişci 2012, 327).”

• cites Kirişci 2012Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Domestically, the AKP government confronted a public opinion increasingly concerned by the influx of hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees, and the potential revival of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) insurgency.

“Domestically, the AKP government confronted a public opinion increasingly concerned by the influx of hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees, and the potential revival of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan, PKK) insurgency.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Structural power distributions at global, regional and domestic levels, when filtered through identity-shaped notions of enmity or amity, determine foreign policy outcomes, which range between different levels of intensity in cooperation and conflict dynamics.

“Structural power distributions at global, regional and also domestic levels when filtered through the identity-shaped notions of enmity or amity determine foreign policy outcomes; these policies range between different levels of intensity in cooperation and conflict dynamics.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

In the post-Cold War era, alignments became more complex; they were driven by regional and international structural shifts.

“In the post-Cold War era, alignments became more complex; they were driven by regional and international structural shifts.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The post-2011 collapse offered a sharp contrast with previous decade.

“The post-2011 collapse offered a sharp contrast with previous decade.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Assad's regime proved to be more resilient than Erdogan had expected.

“Assad's regime proved to be more resilient than Erdogan had expected.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

In the process, the Syrian regime's strategic ties to Iran, Hizbollah and Iraq intensified, and left the four on the defensive against the rising Arab Gulf concert.

“In the process, the Syrian regime's strategic ties to Iran, Hizbollah and Iraq intensified, and left the four on the defensive against the rising Arab Gulf concert.”

May combine two claims.

Erdogan's declaration that Syrian affairs were a matter of Turkey's internal politics overturned Kemalist traditions of non-interference and created controversy in Turkey.

“Erdogan's declaration that Syrian affairs were a matter of Turkey's internal politics, thereby utterly overturning Kemalist traditions of non-interference, created controversy in Turkey.”

May combine two claims.

In part due to their contrary identities leading them to opposite strategic alignments, Turkey's pro-Western Kemalist military establishment and Syria's pan-Arab/Baathist identity induced the two neighbours to balance against each other and seek support from their respective allies in Washington and Moscow.

“In part due to their contrary identities leading them to opposite strategic alignments, Turkey's pro-Western Kemalist military establishment and Syria's pan-Arab/Baathist identity induced the two neighbours to balance against each other and seek support from their respective allies in Washington and Moscow.”

May combine two claims.

In the beginning, religious wars drove neither the Syrian Revolution nor the deterioration in Turkey-Syria relations, although they would later acquire more salience.

“In the beginning, religious wars drove neither the Syrian Revolution nor the deterioration in Turkey-Syria relations, although they would later acquire more salience.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

In Syria, regime survival became the priority for ruling elites.

“In Syria, regime survival became the priority for ruling elites.”

May combine two claims.

Turkey's soft power would take the form of robust, coercive-backed regime change in Syria, which, if successful, would set renewed future economic integration on more solid foundations.

“Now Turkey's soft power would take the form of robust, coercive-backed regime change in Syria which, if successful, would set renewed future economic integration on more solid foundations.”

May combine two claims.

Sectarian identity did not drive elite relations but rather emerged from geopolitical games; yet the use of this tool risked creating enduring enmities, a new structural situation that threatened to lock Syria and the Middle East into an era of protracted conflict.

“Sectarian identity did not drive elite relations but rather emerged from geopolitical games; yet the use of this tool risked creating enduring enmities, a new structural situation that threatened to lock Syria and the Middle East into an era of protracted conflict.”

May combine two claims.

More than four years after the Syrian Revolution, Turkey continues to deal with a turbulent and insecure border, with warring Kurdish and Islamist factions on both sides.

“More than four years after the Syrian Revolution, Turkey continues to deal with a turbulent and insecure border, with warring Kurdish and Islamist factions on both sides.”

May combine two claims.

The alteration in alliances-with Syria's regime dependent on Iran, Hizbollah and Iraq, and Turkey in alignment with Saudi Arabia and Qatar-followed a region-wide discourse of Shia against Sunni which began to re-shape identities and enmities, not only at the level of leadership but also at popular levels.

“The alteration in alliances-with Syria's regime dependent on Iran, Hizbollah and Iraq, and Turkey in alignment with Saudi Arabia and Qatar-followed a region-wide discourse of Shia against Sunni which began to re-shape identities and enmities, not only at the level of leadership but also at popular levels.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Over time, Islamic militias took the lead in the uprising and conquered areas in the north and northeastern parts of the country, where they imposed a practice of religion quite foreign to the country's tradition of moderate and tolerant Islam.

“Over time, Islamic militias took the lead in the uprising and conquered areas in the north and northeastern parts of the country, where they imposed a practice of religion quite foreign to the country's tradition of moderate and tolerant Islam.”

May combine two claims.

Assad quickly relied on the support of Alawi core supporters in the security services and blamed demonstrations and opposition to the government on foreign-led Jihadi and Islamic groups with whom he indiscriminately classified all opposition, thereby justifying the brutal repression of protesting unarmed civilians.

“Assad, however, quickly relied on the support of Alawi core supporters in the security services and blamed demonstrations and opposition to the government on foreign-led Jihadi and Islamic groups with whom he indiscriminately classified all opposition, thereby justifying the brutal repression of protesting unarmed civilians.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The Syrian regime is Alawite-dominated.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

In November 2013, the PYD established effective military and administrative control in three border areas (Afrin, Kobani, Jazira), and declared an autonomous Western Kurdistan (Rojava) region.

“In November 2013, the PYD established effective military and administrative control in three border areas (Afrin, Kobani, Jazira), and declared an autonomous Western Kurdistan (Rojava) region.”

May combine two claims.

This propelled an increasing sectarian discourse on both sides; many within the armed resistance turned to Islamic discourse to mobilize support.

“This propelled an increasing sectarian discourse on both sides; many within the armed resistance turned to Islamic discourse to mobilize support.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Regional developments linked to 9/11 and the US-led War in Iraq had initiated a shift in regional power balances, which impacted Turkey-Syria relations.

“Regional developments linked to 9/11 and the US-led War in Iraq had initiated a shift in regional power balances, which impacted Turkey-Syria relations.”

May combine two claims.

The Turkish leadership perceived a rise across the region of various avatars of the Muslim Brotherhood with which the AKP had an affinity, and expected the Syrian Brothers could bring a friendly and identity-congruent regime to power in Damascus.

“The Turkish leadership perceived a rise across the region of various avatars of the Muslim Brotherhood with which the AKP had an affinity, and expected the Syrian Brothers could bring a friendly and identity-congruent regime to power in Damascus.”

• cites [7] 7. Associated Press (AP) (2016) 'Turkey unlikely to drop Syria Rebels in latest realignments', 9 August, <https://www.yahoo.com/news/turkey-unlikely-drop-syria-rebels-latest- realignment-212907564.html>, accessed 11 August 2016Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

The Islamization of the armed insurgency intensified with external funding originating from Arab Gulf states.

“The Islamization of the armed insurgency intensified with external funding originating from Arab Gulf states.”

May combine two claims.

Turkey suspended the High Level Strategic Council and ceased all trade with Syria, effectively ending a decade of economic integration.

“Turkey suspended the High Level Strategic Council and ceased all trade with Syria, effectively ending a decade of economic integration.”

May combine two claims.

As in the 1990s, the Turkey-Syria conflict transformed the Kurdish question into a bargaining chip; Kurds situated within both countries took advantage of it for their own agenda in the period that followed the collapse.

“As in the 1990s, the Turkey-Syria conflict transformed the Kurdish question into a bargaining chip; Kurds situated within both countries took advantage of it for their own agenda in the period that followed the collapse.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Insiders within the ranks of AKP warned against the adoption of seemingly dangerous strategic choices, rooted in the 'failure to grasp the intricacies of the Syrian crisis which relates back to a general misunderstanding of the Arab world despite a decade of AKP rule'.

“Rather than adopting a cautious step-by-step approach to the Syrian crisis, insiders within the ranks of AKP warned against the adoption of seemingly dangerous strategic choices, rooted in the 'failure to grasp the intricacies of the Syrian crisis which relates back to a general misunderstanding of the Arab world despite a decade of AKP rule'.”

• cites [9] 9. Baldwin, David A (2013) 'Power and international relations' in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth A. Simmons (eds) Handbook of international relations (London: Sage Publications Ltd) , 273-297 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

On 1 March 2003, the Turkish Parliament's historic decision to reject any military attacks on Northern Iraq by Anglo-American troops from Turkish territory represented a turning point in its strategic relationship with the US.

“On 1 March 2003, the Turkish Parliament's historic decision to reject any military attacks on Northern Iraq by Anglo-American troops from Turkish territory represented a turning point in its strategic relationship with the US.”

May combine two claims.

Turkey became Syria's biggest trading partner when trade rose from US $797 million in 2006 to $2.3 billion in 2010.

“Turkey became Syria's biggest trading partner when trade rose from US $797 million in 2006 to $2.3 billion in 2010 (Robins 2013, 394;Tur 2013, 165).”

• cites Robins 2013, 394Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Tur 2013, 165Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Following the US-led invasion of Iraq, a shared fear of a US-backed new regional Kurdish separatism intensified normalization between Syria and Turkey.

“Following the US-led invasion of Iraq, a shared fear of a US-backed new regional Kurdish separatism intensified normalization between Syria and Turkey.”

May combine two claims.

Negative tit for tat was transformed into positive trade-offs, and past territorial claims were put to rest.

“Now, negative tit for tat was transformed into positive trade-offs, and past territorial claims were put to rest (Daoudy 2013, 137, 142).”

• cites Daoudy 2013, 137, 142Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

A combination of structural changes, such as the rise of US hegemony in the Middle East post the 2003 Iraq War, and the rise to power of an apparently modern heir to the Syrian presidency allowed for a shift in mutual interactions.

“A combination of structural changes, such as the rise of US hegemony in the Middle East post the 2003 Iraq War, and the rise to power of an apparently modern heir to the Syrian presidency allowed for a shift in mutual interactions.”

May combine two claims.

Bashar al-Assad's personal popularity in the early 2000s allowed the regime to limit the scope of internal reforms and preserve the power of the security services over society.

“Domestically, however, Bashar al-Assad's personal popularity in the early 2000s allowed the regime to limit the scope of internal reforms and preserve the power of the security services over society.”

May combine two claims.

This change in the relationship with Syria came about as new foreign policy goals were designed by Turkey's new elites along cultural and ideological lines, in parallel with ambition to find markets for the soaring export capacity of AKP's constituencies, mainly the 'Anatolian Tigers' or merchants, through economic integration with neighbours.

“This change in the relationship with Syria came about as new foreign policy goals were designed by Turkey's new elites along cultural and ideological lines, in parallel with ambition to find markets for the soaring export capacity of AKP's constituencies, mainly the 'Anatolian Tigers' or merchants, through economic integration with neighbours.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

AKP wanted Turkey to reach the status of one of the ten largest economies in the world by 2023.

“More broadly, AKP wanted Turkey to reach the status of one of the ten largest economies in the world by 2023 (Barrinha 2014, 2).”

• cites Barrinha 2014, 2Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

In 2009, visas for Syrian (and Jordanian and Lebanese) nationals were lifted, increasing entries from the Arab world by 62 per cent within two years.

“In 2009, visas for Syrian (and Jordanian and Lebanese) nationals were lifted, increasing entries from the Arab world by 62 per cent within two years (Kirişci 2012, 323).”

• cites Kirişci 2012, 323Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Bashar al-Assad conducted, in January 2004, the first Syrian President's visit to Turkey since Syria's independence in 1946.

“Benefiting from a positive image as former president of the Syrian Computer Society and public advocate of modernization, Bashar al-Assad conducted, in January 2004, the first Syrian President's visit to Turkey since Syria's independence in 1946.”

May combine two claims.

The construction of opposing Turkish and Arab nationalist identities undertaken at the collapse of the Ottoman Empire deteriorated, and a shared cultural identity was recognized in both capitals.

“The construction of opposing Turkish and Arab nationalist identities undertaken at the collapse of the Ottoman Empire deteriorated, and a shared cultural identity was recognized in both capitals.”

May combine two claims.

The Arab street acclaimed Turkey as an Islamic democracy and for its defence of the Palestinians against, notably, Israel's assault on Gaza in 2009-2010.

“The Arab street acclaimed Turkey as an Islamic democracy and for its defence of the Palestinians against, notably, Israel's assault on Gaza in 2009-2010.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The Tripartite Alliance between Turkey, Syria and Iran aimed to balance against the perceived destabilization of the region brought on by the US policy in close alignment with Israel under the Bush Jr. administration.

“The Tripartite Alliance between Turkey, Syria and Iran aimed to balance against the perceived destabilization of the region brought on by the US policy in close alignment with Israel under the Bush Jr. administration.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Foreign Minister Davutoglu publicly rejected the label of 'neo-Ottomanism', possibly to appease Arab sensitivities on the issue.

“However, Foreign Minister Davutoglu, the intellectual figure behind AKP's new foreign policy vision, publicly rejected the label of 'neo-Ottomanism', possibly to appease Arab sensitivities on the issue (SETA 2009).”

• cites SETA 2009Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Rejecting Kemalist perceptions of Turkey's historical and geo-strategic location within the West, and moving away from previous aborted attempts to join the European Union, the AKP-ruled government sought to engage with its non-European neighbours, especially in the post-Ottoman Arab areas.

“Rejecting Kemalist perceptions of Turkey's historical and geo-strategic location within the West, and moving away from previous aborted attempts to join the European Union, the AKP-ruled government sought to engage with its non-European neighbours, especially in the post-Ottoman Arab areas (Han 2013, 58).”

• cites Han 2013, 58 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

Increased business networks between merchants in the major cities of Aleppo, Damascus and Anatolia brought the two neighbours to de-securitize their trans-state interdependencies and sign, in December 2009, over 50 protocols.

“Increased business networks between merchants in the major cities of Aleppo, Damascus and Anatolia brought the two neighbours to de-securitize their trans-state interdependencies and sign, in December 2009, over 50 protocols (Daoudy 2013;Oktav 2013;Tur 2013).”

• cites Daoudy 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Oktav 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Tur 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

In doing so, the regime privileged the urban middle classes, favouring the rise of new governmental and business elites from all religious affiliations, but also increasing levels of poverty in marginalized communities.

“In doing so, the regime privileged the urban middle classes, favouring the rise of new governmental and business elites from all religious affiliations, but also increasing levels of poverty in marginalized communities.”

May combine two claims.

From a realist perspective, the rapprochement between Ankara and Damascus in the early 2000s resulted from US behaviour in Iraq, the threat posed to Damascus as the possible next target of the Bush Jr. administration, and the parallel shift from a bipolar to a unipolar world.

“From a realist perspective, the ensuing rapprochement between Ankara and Damascus in the early 2000s resulted from US behaviour in Iraq, the threat posed to Damascus as the possible next target of the Bush Jr. administration, and the parallel shift from a bipolar to a unipolar world.”

May combine two claims.

Following this strategic victory, Turkey committed to coordinating efforts with Russia to reach a 'political solution on Syria', going so far as to offer to join Russia's operations against ISIS.

“Following this strategic victory, Turkey committed to coordinating efforts with Russia to reach a 'political solution on Syria' (Abdul Razzak 2016), going so far as to offer to join Russia's operations against ISIS (Ozerkan 2016).”

• cites Abdul Razzak 2016Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Ozerkan 2016Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

In October 2014, the battle against ISIS for the capture of Ayn al-Arab/Kobani led Turkey to reconsider its position on international intervention against the Islamic State, and precipitated its alignment with US-led air strikes against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

“In October 2014, the battle against ISIS for the capture of Ayn al-Arab/Kobani led Turkey to reconsider its position on international intervention against the Islamic State, and precipitated its alignment with US-led air strikes against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Suspected of tolerating, if not directly supporting extremists from ISIS on Turkish and Syrian territories, Turkey initiated closer ties to the United States, albeit frustrated by US inaction on Syria.

“Suspected of tolerating, if not directly supporting extremists from ISIS on Turkish and Syrian territories, Turkey initiated closer ties to the United States, albeit frustrated by US inaction on Syria.”

May combine two claims.

Impacted by structural factors, such as Turkey's alliance with NATO since 1952 and Israel in 1996, or the eruption of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in 2011, negative elite perceptions induced a sudden change towards enmity.

“Impacted by structural factors, such as Turkey's alliance with NATO since 1952 and Israel in 1996, or the eruption of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in 2011, such negative elite perceptions induced a sudden change towards enmity.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

This rapprochement with Russia, Assad's main ally, initiated a change in Turkey's official language and approach to the Syrian regime.

“This rapprochement with Russia, Assad's main ally, initiated a change in Turkey's official language and approach to the Syrian regime.”

May combine two claims.

Changes in both structure and identity weighed on mutual interactions similar to the post-World War I de-construction of shared Ottoman Islamic identity and the construction of mutually antagonistic Arab and Turkish nationalist identities, buttressed by Cold War bipolarity.

“Changes in both structure and identity weighed on mutual interactions similar to the post-World War I de-construction of shared Ottoman Islamic identity and the construction of mutually antagonistic Arab and Turkish nationalist identities, buttressed by Cold War bipolarity.”

May combine two claims.

Turkey experienced increased border turbulence from a spillover of the conflict with an influx of hundreds of thousands of refugees, and an emboldened Kurdish militant movement which spread from its remote mountains to the heart of south-eastern cities such as Diyarbakir and Cizre, and was re-empowered by the proclamation in November 2013 of Western Kurdistan (Rojava) in northern and north-eastern

“In parallel, Turkey experienced increased border turbulence from a spillover of the conflict with an influx of hundreds of thousands of refugees, and an emboldened Kurdish militant movement which spread from its remote mountains to the heart of south-eastern cities such as Diyarbakir and Cizre, and was re-empowered by the proclamation in November 2013 of Western Kurdistan (Rojava) in northern and”

May combine two claims.

Turkey's efforts to mediate Syria and Israel's peace negotiations in 2007-2008 were pursued and links developed with Iran at the societal and economic levels-to the point that Turkey abstained for the first time during the UNSC vote on sanctions against Iran in 2006.

“Turkey's efforts to mediate Syria and Israel's peace negotiations in 2007-2008 were pursued and links developed with Iran at the societal and economic levels-to the point that Turkey abstained for the first time during the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) vote on sanctions against Iran in 2006.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Ironically, the Syria-Turkey relationship, which had in the 2000s been promoted by its advocates as the key to an indigenous stabilization of the region against the US hegemon and a prototype of soft power integration, became after 2011 the opposite: a main driver of regional instability, which was fuelled by structural and identity-based factors.

“Ironically, the Syria-Turkey relationship, which had in the 2000s been promoted by its advocates as the key to an indigenous stabilization of the region against the US hegemon and a prototype of soft power integration, became after 2011 the opposite: a main driver of regional instability, which was fuelled by structural and identity-based factors.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Had Kemalists ruled Turkey, they would have followed Ataturk's injunction to eschew active involvement in Syria's crisis.

“Had Kemalists ruled Turkey, they would have followed Ataturk's injunction to eschew active involvement in Syria's crisis.”

May combine two claims.

While Turkey initially sponsored the moderate Syrian opposition groups, beginning with the SNC and its military affiliate the FSA, its move to tolerate Islamic Jihadists contradicted the former policy: by facilitating arms transfers from supporters in the Arab Gulf states, it allowed extremist factions to marginalize and even militarily attack the moderates on the ground in Syria.

“While Turkey initially sponsored the moderate Syrian opposition groups, beginning with the Syrian National Council (SNC) and its military affiliate the FSA in their various incarnations, its move to tolerate Islamic Jihadists contradicted the former policy: notably, by facilitating arms transfers from supporters in the Arab Gulf states, it allowed extremist factions to marginalize and even militAR”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Similarly to the 1950s and 1990s, elites mutually excluded each other and clashed over water, borders, Syrian opposition groups and the Kurdish issue.

“Similarly to the 1950s and 1990s, elites mutually excluded each other and clashed over water, borders, Syrian opposition groups and the Kurdish issue.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Turkey anticipated that the rise of kindred moderate democratic Islamists across the region and in Syria would give a major boost to Turkey's soft power in the region.

“Additionally, however, Turkey anticipated that the rise of kindred moderate democratic Islamists across the region and in Syria would give a major boost to Turkey's soft power in the region.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

In August 2016, Turkey escalated its involvement in the Syrian conflict by launching direct military operations in northeastern Syria with Free Syrian Army fighters.

“In August 2016, Turkey escalated its involvement in the Syrian conflict by launching direct military operations in northeastern Syria with Free Syrian Army fighters.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The military coup attempt of 15 July 2016, attributed to the Gülen Movement with US support, prompted the activation of meetings between Erdogan and Putin.

“Adding to these domestic security concerns, the military coup attempt of 15 July 2016, attributed to the Gülen Movement with US support, prompted the activation of meetings between Erdogan and Putin.”

May combine two claims.

In 2016, Turkey pursued a parallel military and diplomatic strategy: to increase military support to Syrian opposition groups in the northern Aleppo province to counter the PYD/YPG-led and US-backed SDF; and to seek new international partners by mending relations with Russia.

“In 2016, Turkey pursued a parallel military and diplomatic strategy: to increase military support to Syrian opposition groups in the northern Aleppo province to counter the PYD/YPG-led and US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF); and to seek new international partners by mending relations with Russia.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

When the Syrian uprisings erupted, Turkey's regional soft power had been damaged by a response to the Libyan revolt that seemed to prioritize economic interests.

“When the Syrian uprisings erupted, Turkey's regional soft power had been damaged by a response to the Libyan revolt that seemed to prioritize economic interests.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The paper's dual framework offers explanations for the sudden collapse of 2011.

“The paper's dual framework also offers explanations for the sudden collapse of 2011.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Since the collapse of the relationship in 2011, the Syrian regime lost control of wide swathes of its territory to Kurds, Islamist opposition fighters and, since 2013, to Jihadists from ISIS.

“Since the collapse of the relationship in 2011, the Syrian regime lost control of wide swathes of its territory to Kurds, Islamist opposition fighters and, since 2013, to Jihadists from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).”

May combine two claims.

Ankara aligned with the new normative climate, quickly adapting to structural and identity changes within the region.

“And Ankara aligned with the new normative climate, quickly adapting to structural and identity changes within the region.”

May combine two claims.

Despite the changed rhetoric that followed the Israeli attack of a Turkish flotilla in Gaza in June 2010, Turkey maintained its alliance with the US, as well as military ties with Israel.

“Despite the changed rhetoric that followed the Israeli attack of a Turkish flotilla in Gaza in June 2010, Turkey maintained its alliance with the US, as well as military ties with Israel (Bank and Aradag 2013;Ehteshami and Elik 2011;Han 2013).”

• cites Bank and Aradag 2013Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Ehteshami and Elik 2011Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Han 2013 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

In 1998, the movement towards rapprochement started in a near-military showdown, which led Syria, facing the military power of Turkey, to abandon its support for the PKK.

“In 1998, the movement towards rapprochement started in a near-military showdown, which led Syria, facing the military power of Turkey, to abandon its support for the PKK.”

May combine two claims.

The transformation allowed interdependencies to evolve into opportunities for mutual gain rather than vulnerability, as the two former foes de-securitized their borders, initiated free trade, established cooperation over shared river waters, and developed people-to-people relations until 2011.

“This transformation allowed interdependencies to evolve into opportunities for mutual gain rather than vulnerability to each other, as the two former foes de-securitized their borders, initiated free trade, established cooperation over shared river waters, and developed people-to-people relations until 2011.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

The AKP officially adhered to the globally dominant liberal norms of democratization and humanitarian protection.

“The AKP officially adhered to the globally dominant liberal norms of democratization and humanitarian protection.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Turkey's strategy to become an Islamic regional power proved quite successful until the Syrian uprisings in 2011.

“Turkey's strategy to become an Islamic regional power proved quite successful until the Syrian uprisings in 2011.”