Monks for Hire
Open accessAbstract
Throughout history, Chinese monastic Buddhism has been characterised by a dichotomy between its religious ideal of austerity and the actual wealth of its monasteries. While this contradiction often formed the basis for criticism of Buddhism and/or its institutions, it appeared to be unproblematic to most early Chinese Buddhist commentators, who frequently idealise the (conceptual) poverty of monks, whilst writing on the lavish adornments of their monasteries. The potential tension between an idealised detachment from material possession and the accumulation of wealth was dissolved by making a distinction between the personal wealth of individual monks, and the collective wealth of the monastic community. However, during the reign of Liang Wudi (r. 502–549), we see the emergence of an interesting form of personal financing of monks, namely, the practice of imperially paid household monks (jiaseng). This article investigates this unique institution. What were the motives for hiring monks on a personal basis and how did this tie in with Wu’s political use of Buddhism? Who were these monks, and what was their function? Was there any opposition against them on the basis of their payment?
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- Premisecitation§ I. Introduction
Emperor Wu depended on literati approval as guardians of Confucian tradition to legitimise his claim to the throne.
“Emperor Wu in fact relied on the sanction of the literati as keepers of the Confucian tradition to legitimise his claim on the throne.6”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim1 of 1 sources checked- cites [6] De Rauw, Tom. 2008. ‘Beyond Buddhist Apology: The Political Use of Buddhism by Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty (r. 502–49)’, unpublished PhD Dissertation, Ghent University.
- Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha
After Zhizang argued against it, Emperor Wu dropped his plan to become Lay Rectifier of Monks.
“In the end, however, Emperor Wu had to admit defeat to Zhizang's arguments and he subsequently abandoned the whole idea of becoming a lay Rectifier of Monks.20”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [20] Kawamura, L., 1981 source
- Findingnone given§ Abstract
During Liang Wudi's reign, a practice arose of imperially funded household monks known as jiaseng.
“However, during the reign of Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (r.502-549), we see the emergence of an interesting form of personal financing of monks, namely the practice of imperially paid household monks (jiaseng 家僧).”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingreasoning§ I. Introduction
For his ideological needs, Emperor Wu turned to influential scholar-monks individually instead of seeking approval from the sangha as a whole.
“For his theoretical, ideological needs, Wu would appeal to influential, well-respected scholar-monks (so-called dharma-masters, fashi 法師) on an individual level, rather than seek the scholarly sanction of the sa gha as a whole.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Findingown data§ Abstract
The jiaseng title ceased to be used soon after Emperor Wu's rule.
“This paper investigates this unique clerical title, which did not last long after Emperor Wu's reign.”
- Also stated in: § III. Monks of the Imperial Family · plain
“The term jiaseng 家僧 appears for the first time during the reign of Liang Wudi, and did not last much beyond it either.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Also stated in: § III. Monks of the Imperial Family · plain
- Findingcitation§ I. Introduction
Emperor Wu ordered a review of genealogies to remove their most flagrant abuses.
“In addition he ordered a review of the genealogies, which served as de facto registers of social rank, to purge it from its most flagrant abusers.5”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [5] De Rauw, Tom, 2005, Journal of the American Oriental Society
- Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
All jiaseng except Sengjiapoluo came from old southern military or lower-ranking family lines, at most hanmen.
“Before we look into the details of the individual jiaseng, it is important to note that all jiaseng, with the exception of Sengjiapoluo (who was of Funan origin), 40 were descendants of traditional Southern military or low-ranking families, which were therefore at most so-called 'Cold gate families' (hanmen 寒門).”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [40] source
- Rests on an assumption: The Buddhist biographical sources used by the paper accurately record the jiaseng appointments, their compensation, and their activities.
- Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
In 525 Fayun became da sengzheng and oversaw monastic conduct throughout the realm.
“In 525, Fayun was further appointed as da sengzheng (Head Rectifier of Monks), making him responsible for the conduct of all monastics in the empire.58”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [58]
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- Premisecitation§ I. Introduction
Emperor Wu faced a legitimacy problem because he took power from his kinsman Xiao Baorong, which traditional Chinese political theory treated as usurpation.
“Emperor Wu had seized power from one of his kinsmen, Xiao Baorong 蕭寶融 (488-502), last emperor of the preceding Qi dynasty (479-502 CE), in revenge for the murder of his older brother.”
- Also stated in: § I. Introduction · hedged
“According to traditional Chinese political theory, that would make Emperor Wu a usurper, as the founder of a new dynasty had to come from outside the imperial family. 1”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [1] Berkowitz, Alan J., 1995
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- Also stated in: § I. Introduction · hedged
- Interpretationreasoning§ I. Introduction
The restricted careers and second-class treatment of low-ranking families caused serious social tension when Emperor Wu took the throne.
“The limited career options of the low-ranking families and their treatment as second-rate citizens was the cause of grave social tension at the time when Emperor Wu ascended the throne.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha
The case of Baochang being judged by Rectifier Huichao and sentenced to exile with penal servitude suggests that Emperor Wu's vinaya-based civil code operated for a time.
“Baochang, being a monk, requested to be judged by the Rectifier of Monks, Huichao 慧 超 (?-526), according to the 'laws which were established on the basis of the vinaya'.23 Huichao sentenced Baochang to exile with penal servitude (tu 徒) in Guangzhou.”
- Also stated in: § II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha · hedged
“seems to implicate that at least for a while Emperor Wu's civil codex based on vinaya was in effect.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [23] Liang shu (History of the Liang Dynasty), compiled by Wei Zheng and Yao Silian between 626 and 636; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973. (Primary Source)
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Also stated in: § II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha · hedged
- Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
The potential for friction may have led later emperors, except Sui emperor Wen, to stop appointing jiaseng entirely.
“Perhaps it is this underlying potential for friction that caused subsequent emperors (with the exception of the Sui dynasty emperor Wen) to abandon the practice of appointing jiaseng all together.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
Emperor Wu selected five trusted military aides from low-ranking military families to each oversee the compilation of one branch of the Five Rituals, which were intended to form his new ritual code.
“Emperor Wu appointed five of his most trusted military aids, who came from the (per definition) low ranking 'military families' (junjia 軍家), to each supervise the compilation of one branch of the so-called Five Rituals (wuli 五禮) which were to make up his new ritual code.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Liang shu, 25: 381
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- Interpretationown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
By hiring jiaseng, Emperor Wu sought entry into a sangha that was largely closed and autonomous.
“By hiring personal attending monks (jiaseng) he sought to acquire a foot in the door of the otherwise closed-off and de facto autonomous sa gha.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Interpretationown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
Emperor Wu's alliances with individual monks stirred rivalry and suspicion within the monastic community.
“His attempts to gain control over the sa gha by forging alliances with individual monks brought out feelings of rivalry and suspicion within the monastic community.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ Additional information
The burial of three jiaseng at this site with full imperial honours further strengthens the hypothesis that these monasteries were state-sponsored.
“The burial of three jiaseng at this site with full imperial honours further strengthens this hypothesis.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim - Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
The jiaseng title was created for political purposes, not merely to give the emperor or his relatives a field of blessing for merit.
“While at first glance, it might seem that a jiaseng was invited by the emperor only to become a sort of personal 'field of blessing (futian 福 田)' that allowed him or his relatives to accrue personal merit by making donations, it is clear that this specific clerical title was created with political goals in mind.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Premisenone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
At the time of Emperor Wu, various methods of bodhisattva ordination, based on the Fanwang jing and other scriptural sources, were used side by side.
“At the time of Emperor Wu, various methods of bodhisattva ordination, based on the Fanwang jing and other scriptural sources, were used side by side.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Interpretationnone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial Family
Through a careful selection of passages from several existing methods, Emperor Wu constructed his own unique bodhisattva ordination ritual.
“Through a careful selection of passages from several of these existing methods, Emperor Wu constructed his own unique bodhisattva ordination ritual.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim - Premisecitation§ References
The proscription against possession of valuables can be found in all four vinayas.
“The proscription against possession of valuables can be found in all four vinayas:”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 3 sources checked- cites Dharmaguptakavinaya T.1428.619b23-25
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- cites Mahīśāsakavinaya, T.1421.37a27-b6
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- cites Mahāsā ghikavinaya, T.1425.310c7-312c2
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- May combine two claims. 51
- Classified as probably not a substantial claim. 30
- The quote only partly states this claim. 1
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Findingreasoning§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu created the jiaseng position, personal monks whom he rewarded generously for their service.
“For this purpose he created the position of jiaseng 家僧 'Household-monks', who served as his personal monks and were lavishly compensated as such for their services.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaIn 519 Emperor Wu reinvented the bodhisattva ordination ceremony and was the first to take the renewed vows.
“In 519 he reinvented the so-called bodhisattva ordination ceremony and in a large orchestrated event became the first to take these renewed bodhisattva vows.25”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [25] source
May combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaIn 508 Emperor Wu ordered Fayun to compile Rules for Monks (sengzhi), which became a norm for later monks.
“Already in 508 Emperor Wu had ordered Fayun 法 雲 (467-529), who as we shall see had just been appointed as jiaseng in that same year, to compile a set of Rules for Monks (sengzhi 僧制), which was to become 'a norm for all who came after him'.15”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [15] Holzman, Donald, 1957, Mélanges Publiés par l’Institut des Hautes études Chinoises
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Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaBetween 519 and 522 Emperor Wu declared himself Lay Rectifier of Monks and established a law codex based on vinaya.
“Emperor Wu conceived of the idea to assert his personal control over the sa gha's behaviour by proclaiming himself 'Lay Rectifier of Monks' (baiyi sengzheng 白衣僧正) 16 sometime between 519 and 522, and by establishing a law codex based on the Buddhist disciplinary rules.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [16] Janousch, Andreas. 1998. ‘The Reform of Imperial Ritual During the Reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dyansty (502–549)’, unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Cambridge.
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Findingcitation§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu established academies for members of low-ranking families and often placed their graduates in important administrative posts.
“He created new academies in which to educate members of low ranking families and frequently assigned its alumni to important positions in his administration.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [4] source
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).
Findingnone given§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaNo surviving record shows a monk or nun being deprived of monastic robes for violating vinaya or bodhisattva rules under Emperor Wu.
“One can wonder if Emperor Wu actually had sufficient power or influence to implement these threats, as there is to our knowledge no record of any monk or nun being stripped of his or her monastic robe for breaking any of the vinaya or bodhisattva regulations.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyFayun received a full imperial funeral at Dinglin monastery, where two other jiaseng were also buried.
“Upon his death, Fayun was buried with full imperial honours at the Dinglin 定林 monastery (at the foot of Mount Zhong 鍾山), where two other jiaseng were buried as well.59”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [59]
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Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAn imperial decree made Fayun a jiaseng in 508, and he received a very generous stipend.
“Fayun, who is praised together with Zhizang and Sengmin as the 'Three Great Dharma Masters of the Liang Dynasty', 47 was appointed as jiaseng by imperial decree in 508, for which he was given a very generous stipend.48”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites [47]
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- cites [48]
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Findingown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAmong Buddhist biographies that label their subjects jiaseng, thirteen exist, and eight of those subjects held the title during the Liang.
“Of the thirteen biographies in Buddhist sources to identify their subjects as jiaseng, eight held the title during the Liang.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Rests on an assumption: The Buddhist biographical sources used by the paper accurately record the jiaseng appointments, their compensation, and their activities.
May combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilySengjiapoluo did not keep personal wealth but gave away what he received to fund construction of a monastery.
“婆羅不畜私財, 以為嚫施成立住寺.64 [Sengjia]poluo did not accumulate personal wealth, but gave it away [to finance] the construction of a monastery to live in.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [64]
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Findingcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyEmperor Wu had Fachong's monastery enlarged and decorated to confer blessings on his deceased brother, the prince of Xuanwu, and renamed it Xuanwu si.
“And as his monastery was initially rather small and the emperor wished to confer blessings on [his deceased older brother], the prince of Xuanwu, 43 he ordered the [former] prince's attendants to expand and embellish [his old monastery] and treat [Fachong] like an honoured guest there.Thereupon the name of the monastery was changed to Xuanwu si.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [43]
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Findingown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyIn 508 Fachong was invited by Emperor Wu to become a Monk of the Household, and the emperor supplied him year-round with transport, oxen, labor, clothing, and food.
“In 508, Fachong was invited by Emperor Wu to become a Monk of the [Emperor Wu] ordered carts, oxen, labour service, clothes and food to be provided to him all year round.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaThe new bodhisattva vows were very successful among the Buddhist laity, and many followers took them.
“These new bodhisattva vows proved to be an enormous success with the Buddhist laity, and large numbers of followers took these vows to become part of a new spiritual community of people committed to its ideals.27”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [27] Mather, Richard B., 1990
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Findingcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaAround 522 Emperor Wu threatened to use state law, not vinaya, to punish monastics who consumed wine or meat, and to excommunicate them.
“Should you still drink wine and eat meat, and act contradictory to the Dharma, I shall have you punished according to state law.”
- Also stated in: § II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha · plain
“I will order the monastery officials to assemble the community of monks and […] excommunicate them and make them dress in lay garments.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [29] Nattier, Jan, 1991
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- Also stated in: § II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa gha · plain
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Findingown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe term jiaseng first appears under Liang Wudi and soon fell out of use after his reign.
“The term jiaseng 家僧 appears for the first time during the reign of Liang Wudi, and did not last much beyond it either.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim- Rests on an assumption: The absence of earlier references to jiaseng in the surviving historical sources means the title did not exist before Liang Wudi.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ I. IntroductionBecause the monastic community alone carried the Buddha's teaching and judged correct interpretation, Emperor Wu needed its approval for his Buddhist reforms to be credible.
“As only the monastic community (sa gha) was the bearer of the Buddha's teaching, it was they who had the spiritual authority to judge which interpretation was correct and which was not.Therefore it was important for Emperor Wu to ensure himself of the sanction of the Buddhist monastic community if his Buddhist reforms were to be believable.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimClassified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.
Premisenone given§ I. IntroductionAt the time of Liang, wealth and political power were not concentrated in the throne but in a few powerful literati families who controlled the court, held high offices, and accumulated great wealth.
“The political reality of the time was that neither wealth nor political power was concentrated in the throne.Rather, it was a small number of powerful literati families that manipulated the imperial court, monopolised the higher offices and collected great wealth.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims. The quote only partly states this claim.
Interpretationcitation§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu chose the eighth day of the fourth month for his inauguration, a date Buddhists widely regarded as Śākyamuni Buddha's birthday, indicating Buddhism was to lead his reforms.
“This we may surmise from the fact that for his inauguration as founding Emperor of the Liang dynasty, he chose the eighth day of the fourth month, a date that by the early sixth century was already widely recognized among Buddhists as the birthday of Śākyamuni Buddha.10”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [10] Grafflin, Dennis, 1990
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Interpretationcitation§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu sought to recast the emperor's ritual role using Buddhist ideas, aiming to create a new legitimacy based on a fresh vision of society and emperorship.
“For this reason he set out to rebuild the ritual role of an emperor with Buddhist concepts, with the purpose of creating his very own legitimacy as a ruler, based on an entirely new vision of society and emperorship.9”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [9] Gernet, Jacques, 1995
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Interpretationcitation§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu's educational reforms aimed to give literati families equal chances based on merit rather than nepotism, hoping to reduce frustration and bypass aristocratic influence.
“The purpose of these reforms in the educational system was to offer equal opportunities to all literati families based on meritocracy rather than nepotism, in the hope of alleviating frustrations and circumventing the influence of the powerful aristocratic families.4”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [4] source
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Premisecitation§ I. IntroductionLower-class literati families were called Cold gate families (hanmen), had limited careers and poverty, and military families were often hanmen.
“These lower class literati families were designated as 'Cold gate families' (hanmen 寒門), referring to their limited career possibilities and the accompanying impoverishment.Military families were also often of the hanmen group, as military activities were regarded as inferior.3”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [3] source
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Interpretationreasoning§ I. IntroductionEmperor Wu was not strong enough to dismantle the leading families' power through reforms, and he did not intend to eliminate them entirely.
“Nevertheless, in reality Emperor Wu's political position was too weak to effectively break the high ranking families' position of power through such reforms, nor was it his intention to do away with them all together, for the relationship between the literati and the emperor was one of codependence.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ I. IntroductionBy the Liang, the ranking of eminent literati families by the Nine Ranks system had been fixed in genealogies, leaving only the lowest ranks open to newcomers.
“By the time of the Liang the ranking of eminent literati families according to a Nine Ranks (jiu pin 九品) system had been solidified in genealogies (baijia pu 百家譜), implying that all but the lowest ranks were virtually closed off to newcomers.2”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [2] Buttars, Ian. 1998. ‘The Formation and Demise of Royal Houses in the Period of the Southern Dynasties: A History of the Xiao Family During the Song, Southern Qi and Liang (and Later Liang) Dynasties (420–581)’, unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Toronto.
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Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyBaozhi's biography in the Gaoseng zhuan states that he died in the winter of 514.
“Baozhi's biography, contained in the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks, T.2059; compiled by Huijiao 慧皎 (497-554) ca.530; T.2059.394a15-395a3) says that he died in the winter of 514.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Gaoseng zhuan T.2059.394a15-395a3
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Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAlthough the term 'white clad' was universally understood to refer to Buddhist lay devotees, in China it was rather uncommon to actually wear white garments as a sign of one's lay status.
“Though the term 'white clad' was universally understood to refer to Buddhist lay devotees, in China it was rather uncommon to actually wear white garments as a sign of one's lay status.See Seiwert, Popular Religious Movements: 153-157.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Seiwert, Popular Religious Movements: 153-157
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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ Additional informationThe fact that the abbot of the Guangzhai monastery was appointed by imperial edict, and that monks and laymen could be assigned to the Upper Dinglin monastery to work on imperially sponsored projects concerning the Buddhist scriptures, suggests that these two monasteries were state-sponsored.
“The fact that the abbot of the before mentioned Guangzhai monastery was appointed by imperial edict, and that monks and laymen could be assigned to the Upper Dinglin monastery to work on imperially sponsored projects concerning the Buddhist scriptures, suggests that these two monasteries were state-sponsored.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe jiaseng's financial closeness to the emperor reduced their independence and was disapproved of by monastic members who valued independence and spiritual aims.
“This close (financial) relationship with the emperor went at the cost of much of the monks' independence, and was therefore frowned upon by those within the monastic community who wanted to preserve their independence and focus on spiritual, rather than worldly goals.63”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [63]
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- Rests on an assumption: The Buddhist biographical sources used by the paper accurately record the jiaseng appointments, their compensation, and their activities.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyMany metropolitan clergy came from low-ranking, impoverished literati families and viewed ordination as a route into higher social circles otherwise blocked to them.
“Many of the metropolitan clergy were formerly members of low-ranking, impoverished literati families who saw the tonsure as a means to gain access to the upper social strata that were otherwise blocked off to them by the powerful families.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilySengyou had cordial ties with the Emperor, to the point that his dealings with the court raised suspicions among other monks.
“Sengyou had cordial ties with the Emperor, up to the point that his dealings with the court raised suspicions with the other monks.On the Emperor's order both parties came together to settle this matter (T.2059.402c21).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites T.2059.402c21
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Interpretationcitation§ II. Liang Wudi's attempts to control the sa ghaPromoting a vegetarian diet was an important step in improving the clergy's image and was linked to Emperor Wu's ideology of karmic interconnectedness.
“An important step in polishing the image of the clergy was the promotion of a vegetarian diet, which tied in with his carefully sculpted social ideology of karmic interconnectedness.28”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [28] Nan shi (History of the Southern Dynasties), compiled by Li Yanshou between 627 and 649; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975. (Primary Source)
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Interpretationown data§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe jiaseng, especially Fayun, were employed in Wu's Buddhist reform program and generously rewarded for their support.
“These jiaseng, of which Fayun is without a doubt the most visible example, were put to work in Wu's buddhistically inspired reforms, and they were lavishly compensated for their support.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAlthough no explicit attacks on the jiaseng rank are known, comments by Huijiao and others show that monastics' intimate ties to the emperor were disapproved of by political opponents and by fellow monastics.
“Though there are to our knowledge no explicit examples of attacks on this newly created clerical rank, the comments made by Huijiao and others show that such close, personal associations by monastics with the emperor and other members of the ruling elite were frowned upon not only by Liang Wudi's political adversaries, but by members of the Buddhist monastic community as well.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Interpretationnone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyMonastic commerce and riches became much more controversial in the centuries after Liang Wudi's reign.
“Certain is that the economic activities of monasteries and their subsequent wealth were the subject of much more controversy in the centuries following Liang Wudi's reign.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAppointing monks from low-ranking families as jiaseng would improve social harmony by opening new prospects for that class and would likely secure more gratitude, loyalty, and obedience from those chosen.
“Thus the appointment of monks from low-ranking family descent to the position of jiaseng would not only serve to enhance social harmony as it created new perspectives for this social class, but it would undoubtedly have ensured a higher degree of gratitude, loyalty and obedience from those selected for this job.”
Quote in the paperSubstantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.
Premisenone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyAlthough traditionally the Fanwang jing is said to have been translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by Kumarajiva in 406, it is in fact a text composed in China probably around the middle of the fifth century.
“Although, traditionally, the Fanwang jing is said to have been translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by Kumārajīva in 406, it is in fact a text composed in China probably around the middle of the fifth century.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationcitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyFayun's tie to Emperor Wu was like that of worker and boss, as shown when the emperor overrode Fayun's feigned illness and ordered him to lecture.
“Emperor Wu ordered him to do it anyway, demonstrating the emperor's influence over Fayun, whose relationship with Wu resembled that of an employee and an employer.50”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites [50]
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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisenone given§ ReferencesThe Mahaparinirvana-sutra teaches that all sentient beings possess the Buddha-nature and therefore the potential for attaining Buddhahood, and it had become very popular at this point in time, as it was considered the ultimate teaching of the Buddha.
“The Mahāparinirvā asūtra, which teaches that all sentient beings possess the Buddha-nature and therefore the potential for attaining Buddhahood, had become very popular at this point in time, as it was considered to be the ultimate teaching of the Buddha.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe rules are not extant, so their content cannot be certain, but given Emperor Wu's later attempt to control the Buddhist monastic community, they were most likely rules of conduct for monks and nuns taken from the vinaya and meant to be enforced.
“These rules are not extant, so we cannot be sure what was in them, but given Emperor Wu's subsequent attempt at controlling the Buddhist monastic community, these were most likely rules of conduct for monks and nuns taken from the Buddhist disciplinary rules (vinaya), meant to be enforced.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ Additional informationA case in point is Zhizang, who openly admonished Liang Wudi when he wished to assert himself as 'White Clad Rectifier of Monks'.
“A case in point is Zhizang, who openly admonished Liang Wudi when he wished to assert himself as 'White Clad Rectifier of Monks'.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimMay combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ Additional informationDuring the debates on the adoption of a vegetarian diet for all monks and nuns, it was stressed that no meat was ever served at the Dinglin and Guangzhai monasteries, singling them out as examples to be emulated by non-state-sponsored monasteries.
“A fourth factor which pleads for this, is the assertion that during the debates on the adoption of a vegetarian diet for all monks and nuns, it was stressed that no meat was ever served at the Dinglin and Guangzhai monasteries, singling them out as examples to be emulated by non-state-sponsored monasteries (Guang Hongming ji T.2103.299b13-18).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Guang Hongming ji T.2103.299b13-18
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe five men appointed by Emperor Wu were later made Erudites of the Five Classics and each placed at the head of a department of the newly founded School of Five Halls, a university dedicated exclusively to the study of the Five Classics and open to members of low-ranking literati families.
“The five men appointed by Emperor Wu were a few years later made Erudites of the Five Classics (Wujing boshi 五經博士) and each placed at the head of a department of the newly founded School of Five Halls (Wuguan 五官), a university dedicated exclusively to the study of the Five Classics of Confucianism (i.e. the Book of Changes (Yijing 易經), the Book of Odes (Shijing 詩經), the Book of Documents (Shujing”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.
Premisenone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe sengzheng was recruited from within the sa gha and appointed by the emperor.
“The sengzheng was recruited from within the sa gha and appointed by the emperor.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Interpretationreasoning§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyIf the account is accurate, everyone who took the bodhisattva vows was entered into a register.
“If the account is accurate, this would mean that everyone who took the bodhisattva vows was entered into a register.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ ReferencesOn the twenty-third day of the assembly at which the vegetarianisation of the monastic community was discussed, Fayun was charged with reciting and expounding the Mahaparinirvana-sutra, with particular emphasis on the fourth fascicle, condemning the consumption of meat and fish.
“On the twenty-third day of the assembly at which the vegetarianisation of the monastic community was discussed, Fayun was charged with reciting and expounding the Mahāparinirvā asūtra (Sūtra on the Buddha's Parinirvā a), with particular emphasis on the fourth fascicle of the text, condemning the consumption of meat and fish (Guang hongming ji T.2103.299a1-8).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Guang hongming ji T.2103.299a1-8
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe term sengzheng first appeared under the Liang dynasty, though the institution itself was already in use by previous emperors under varying designations.
“The term sengzheng first appeared under the Liang dynasty, though the institution itself was already in use by previous emperors under varying designations (see Forte, 'Daisōjō').”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Forte, 'Daisōjō'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationcitation§ ReferencesFayun was reluctant to take the bodhisattva ordination himself, but after Emperor Wu repeatedly pressed him with awards, Fayun went ahead with the ordination ceremony, showing a business-like relationship between the two men.
“Fayun was a bit reluctant to take the bodhisattva ordination himself at first, but after 'repeatedly pressing him with awards (累勸獎)' Emperor Wu succeeded in persuading Fayun to go ahead with the ordination ceremony. This again shows the business-like relationship between the two men.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisenone given§ III. Monks of the Imperial FamilyThe baiyi in Emperor Wu's title refers to his lay status, generally indicating a layman who observes the five lay precepts without having been ordained.
“The baiyi 白衣 ('White Clad', Skt.: avadātavasana) in Emperor Wu's title, refers to his lay status, generally indicating a layman who observes the lay precepts (Skt.pañcaśīla, Ch. wujie 五戒) without having been ordained.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisenone given§ ReferencesThe Upper Dinglin monastery was the scene of great translation and compilation activity at the time of Emperor Wu.
“The Upper Dinglin monastery was the scene of great translation and compilation activity at the time of Emperor Wu.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ Additional informationThis belief in an enduring self is one of the idiosyncrasies of medieval Chinese Buddhism, as most schools of Indian Buddhism denied that there was such a thing as an atman, a permanent identity that travelled from one form to the next through rebirth.
“This belief in an enduring self is one of the idiosyncrasies of medieval Chinese Buddhism, as most schools of Indian Buddhism denied that there was such a thing as an ātman, a permanent identity that travelled from one form to the next through the process of rebirth.This is the doctrine of no-self (Skt.anātman, Ch. wuwo 無 我).See Lo, 'The Destiny of the 'Shen' (Soul)'.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Lo, 'The Destiny of the 'Shen' (Soul)'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisenone given§ ReferencesFachong and Mingche were also buried at the Dinglin monastery.
“Fachong and Mingche were also buried at the Dinglin monastery.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ ReferencesNumerous vinaya passages and inscriptional evidence leave no doubt that from very early times Indian monks and nuns had a lot of money to spend.
“As has been discussed by Gregory Schopen ('Two Problems in the History of Indian Buddhism' and 'The Good Monk'), numerous vinaya passages as well as inscriptional evidence leave no doubt that from very early times Indian monks and nuns had a lot of money to spend.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Schopen, 'Two Problems in the History of Indian Buddhism'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Schopen, 'The Good Monk'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesThe original Dinglin monastery was built in 424 by Huijue; when the Indian monk Dharmamitra came to this temple in 433, he was allowed to build a second monastery on the West flank of Mount Zhong, called the Upper Dinglin, and the original was renamed Lower Dinglin.
“The original monastery was built in 424 by Huijue 慧覺 (d.u.). When the Indian monk Dharmamitra (Tanmomiduo 曇摩蜜多, 355-442) came to this temple in 433, he made such an impression that he was allowed to build a second monastery on the West flank of Mount Zhong. This was called the Upper Dinglin 定 林 上 monastery and the original was renamed Lower Dinglin ( 下 ) monastery.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.
Premisenone given§ ReferencesPrince of Xuanwu is the posthumous title conferred by Emperor Wu on his older brother, Xiao Yi, whose murder in 500 had been the reason for launching his campaign against the Qi.
“Prince of Xuanwu is the posthumous title conferred by Emperor Wu on his older brother, Xiao Yi 蕭懿, whose murder in 500 had been the reason for launching his campaign against the Qi.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesAll three were masters of the Satyasiddhi school of Buddhism, which was the predominant philosophical school during the Southern Qi and most of the Liang.
“All three were masters of the Satyasiddhi (Ch. Chengshi 成實) school of Buddhism, which was the predominant philosophical school during the Southern Qi and most of the Liang.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Ch'en, Buddhism in China: 129-134
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ Additional informationA time-honoured strategy followed by Southern Dynasty Emperors to ensure the support of the traditional powerful families was by forging marriage alliances to them; the Liang crown prince Xiao Gang was married to a woman from the influential Wang clan.
“A time-honoured strategy followed by Southern Dynasty Emperors to ensure the support of the traditional powerful families was by forging marriage alliances to them.The Liang crown prince, Xiao Gang, for example, was married off to a woman from the influential Wang 王 clan.See Liang shu, 1: 158.Cf.Buttars, The Formation and Demise of Royal Houses: 90.Also see Mather, 'Intermarriage as a Gauge of”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 3 sources checked- cites Liang shu, 1: 158
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Buttars, The Formation and Demise of Royal Houses: 90
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Mather, 'Intermarriage as a Gauge of Family Status'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ ReferencesEmperor Wu later shifted his interest to Madhyamaka.
“It is said that Emperor Wu later shifted his interest to Madhyamaka (Ch. Sanlun 三論). See Ch'en, Buddhism in China: 129-134.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Ch'en, Buddhism in China: 129-134
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ Additional informationThe Nine Ranks system remained in operation throughout the Southern dynasties until it was finally abolished by the Sui dynasty emperor Wen in 583 CE.
“The Nine Ranks system remained in operation throughout the Southern dynasties until it was finally abolished by the Sui dynasty emperor Wen (r.581-604) in 583 CE.See Holzman, 'Les débuts du système medieval de choix'.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Holzman, 'Les débuts du système medieval de choix'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Interpretationreasoning§ ReferencesThe occurrence of jiaseng in the Sui dynasty is not surprising, since the strategies used by Emperor Wen to legitimise his claim on the throne show some remarkable similarities to those of Liang Wudi, including the adoption of the epithet 'Bodhisattva-Emperor'.
“The occurrence of jiaseng in the Sui dynasty is not surprising, since the strategies used by Emperor Wen 文 (r. 581-604) to legitimise his claim on the throne show some remarkable similarities to those of Liang Wudi, including the adoption of the epithet 'Bodhisattva-Emperor' (pusa huangdi 菩薩皇帝).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesIn 508, Sengmin, who was revered together with Zhizang and Fayun as one of the three great Dharma masters of the Liang, was detached from the Zhuangyan monastery to the Upper Dinglin monastery to start work on a monumental compilation of essential passages from the sutras, titled Zhongjing Yaochao, in eighty-eight scrolls.
“In 508, for example, Sengmin 僧旻 (467-527), who was revered together with Zhizang 智藏 (458-522) and Fayun as one of the three great Dharma masters of the Liang (T.1779.716b13-15, T.2060.548b12), was detached from the Zhuangyan 莊嚴 monastery to the Upper Dinglin monastery to start work on a monumental compilation of essential passages from the sūtras, titled Zhongjing Yaochao 眾經要抄 (Most Essential”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites T.1779.716b13-15
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites T.2060.548b12
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ Additional informationThe Guangzhai monastery was founded by Emperor Wu shortly after he ascended the throne in 502; it was his former residence which by his order had been converted into a monastery.
“The Guangzhai monastery was founded by Emperor Wu shortly after he ascended the throne in 502.It was his former residence which by his order had been converted into a monastery (Liang shu, 49: 698 and Nan shi, 72: 1780).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Liang shu, 49: 698
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Nan shi, 72: 1780
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ ReferencesMonastic commentaries, civil documents and management reports of monasteries discovered in Dunhuang bear witness to the extensive engagement of many members of the monastic community in commercial activities.
“As shown in the groundbreaking work of Jacques Gernet (Buddhism in Chinese Society: 153- 186), monastic commentaries, civil documents and even management reports of monasteries discovered in Dunhuang all bear witness of the extensive engagement of many members of the monastic community in commercial activities.”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society: 153-186
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesEmperor Wu also wrote his own commentary on the Mahaprajnaparamita-sutra; though the commentary itself was lost, its preface is preserved in the early-sixth-century Buddhist catalogue Chu sanzang jiji.
“Emperor Wu also wrote his own commentary on the Mahāprajñ āpāramitā-sūtra. Though the commentary itself was lost to time, its preface is preserved in the early-sixth-century Buddhist catalogue Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 (Collection of Records Concerning the Translation of the Tripitaka, compiled by Sengyou 僧祐 (445-518) ca. 515;”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Chu sanzang jiji
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ Additional informationSengmin appears to have been mainly assigned to the compilation of encyclopaedic reference works on Buddhist doctrine.
“Sengmin appears to have been mainly assigned to the compilation of encyclopaedic reference works on Buddhist doctrine (see note 58).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites note 58
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesThere were actually two Dinglin monasteries, both located on Mount Zhong (just northeast of the capital Jiankang).
“There were actually two Dinglin monasteries, both located on Mount Zhong (just northeast of the capital Jiankang).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claimProbably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ Additional informationIn his preface to the hagiographic Gaoseng zhuan, Huijiao criticises the worldly and sycophantic clergy that surrounded Emperor Wu.
“In his preface to the hagiographic Gaoseng zhuan, Huijiao criticises the worldly and sycophantic clergy that surrounded Emperor Wu.He says that in judging the worthiness of a particular monk, one should not be blinded by worldly success: 'If men of real achievement conceal their brilliance, then they are eminent (高 gao) but not famous (名 ming); when men of slight virtue happen to be in accord with”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites Wright, 'Biography and Hagiography': 392-395
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).
Premisecitation§ ReferencesThere were so many commentaries on the Mahaparinirvana-sutra that Emperor Wu commissioned Baoliang and others to collect all existing commentaries in a collection called 'Collected Explanations of the Mahaparinirvana-sutra' in 71 scrolls.
“In fact, there were so many commentaries on the (Mahāyāna) Mahāparinirvā asūtra that Emperor Wu of the Liang commissioned Baoliang 寶亮 (444-509) and others to collect all existing commentaries in a collection called 'Collected Explanations of the Mahāparinirvā asūtra' (Da banniepan jing jijie 大般涅槃經集解) in 71 scrolls (T.1763).”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked- cites T.1763
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
May combine two claims.
Premisecitation§ ReferencesA century later, during the early Tang dynasty, the Dharmaguptakavinaya was strongly promoted by influential Buddhist masters, and around 705-710 it was imposed by imperial decree as the only vinaya to be followed in the Chinese empire; it consequently became the reference point for monastic discipline in China.
“A century later, during the early Tang dynasty, the Dharmaguptakavinaya was strongly promoted by influential Buddhist masters, and around 705-710, it was even imposed by imperial decree as the only vinaya to be followed in the Chinese empire (see Heirman, 'Can We Trace the Early Dharmaguptakas': 414, 419-423 and Heirman, 'Vinaya from India to China': 192-195). The Dharmaguptakavinaya consequently”
Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 2 sources checked- cites Heirman, 'Can We Trace the Early Dharmaguptakas'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
- cites Heirman, 'Vinaya from India to China'
Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.
The paper relies on this without support.
The Buddhist biographical sources used by the paper accurately record the jiaseng appointments, their compensation, and their activities.
“Of the thirteen biographies in Buddhist sources to identify their subjects as jiaseng, eight held the title during the Liang.”
“This close (financial) relationship with the emperor went at the cost of much of the monks' independence, and was therefore frowned upon by those within the monastic community who wanted to preserve their independence and focus on spiritual, rather than worldly goals.63”
The paper relies on this without support.
The absence of earlier references to jiaseng in the surviving historical sources means the title did not exist before Liang Wudi.
“Given Emperor Wu's calculated involvement with Buddhism and the total lack of earlier references to this term in the historical sources, it is highly probable that this clerical title was created by him to fulfil a specific purpose in his Buddhist reforms.”
Self-check
Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.
Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.
The Sui dynasty is dated later than an action attributed to its emperor
MinorThe paper dates the Sui dynasty to 589-618 CE but says a Sui emperor abolished the Nine Ranks system in 583 CE, six years before its stated start.
“the Sui 隋 dynasty (589-618 CE)”
“The Nine Ranks system remained in operation throughout the Southern dynasties until it was finally abolished by the Sui dynasty emperor Wen (r.581-604) in 583 CE.”
The named Tang household monk does not fit the stated early-Tang period
MinorThe paper places its sole Tang jiaseng in the early Tang, but identifies him as Wuji (846-925), whose lifetime falls near the end of the Tang period it gives as 618-907 CE.
“only one during the early Tang 唐 (618-907 CE)”
“Wuji 無 跡 (846-925) is mentioned as jiaseng for the Tang (Song Gaoseng zhuan, T.2061.898a12).”
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Cited by
Sorted by citations
Self-immolation, Resistance and Millenarianism in Medieval Chinese Buddhism
Benn, J. A. (2014) · The Medieval History Journal · doi:10.1177/0971945814544561
- Authors
- Rauw, T. D., & Heirman, A.
- Affiliations
- Ghent University (BE)
- Corresponding author
- Rauw, Tom De
- Heirman, Ann
- ORCID
- Heirman, Ann
- Venue
- The Medieval History Journal
- Publisher
- SAGE Publications
- Published
- 2011-04
- Volume
- 14
- Issue
- 1
- Pages
- 45-69
- ISSN
- 0971-9458 (ISSN-L)
- 0973-0753
- OpenAlex
- W2071949741
- Cited by
- 1
- References
- 25
- Citations by year
- 2014: 1
- FWCI
- 0.98
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- green
- hdl.handle.net
- Locations
- The Medieval History Journal (publishedVersion)
- Ghent University Academic Bibliography (Ghent University) (submittedVersion, other-oa)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Chinese history and philosophy
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
- Keywords
- Liang dynasty, imperial patronage of Buddhism, monastic wealth, monastic poverty, monastic finance, political use of religion
About these checks
Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.
Claims read by deepseek-v4.1-flash under definition version 3 (extract-v3) on 2026-10-05.
Classified by jev-1.13-20260917 (gold-guideline-v0.2) on 2026-10-05.
Cited sources are checked by gpt-6-sol.
Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.
Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.
What counts as a claim ›How we measure confidence ›How we check this ›
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