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Cited by 0Indian and Buddhist StudiesChinese history and philosophyJapanese History and Culture

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The Zhujing Risong Jiyao of the late Ming

Open access
CHEN, Ji-dong·2007·JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU)
DOI 10.4259/ibk.55.552
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Abstract

In order to elucidate the details of the formation of the Chanmen Risong, a text of Chinese Buddhist lessons and rituals practiced every day at temple of the Qing Dynasty, we must first clarify the historical context of the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, the archetype of the Chanmen Risong, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong. This paper analyzes several editions of the Zhujing Risong, in particular its relationship with the Zenlin Kaju and the Obaku Shingi, whose rituals were practiced in Edo period Japan, and led to historical changes.

Overview

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This paper reconstructs the formation, structure, and textual transmission of the *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* (諸経日誦集要), the daily-recitation manual compiled by Yunqi Zhuhong (雲棲朱宏, 1535–1615) around 1600, arguing it is the archetype of the later *Chanmen Risong* (禅門日誦). It traces the manual's revisions by Zhixu (智旭, 1599–1655) and by Qing-era editors, and its relationship to the Japanese *Zenrin Kaju* (禅林課誦) and *Ōbaku Shingi* (黄檗清規).

Key findings

  • The *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* was compiled by Yunqi Zhuhong in 1600 (Wanli 38 / 萬暦二十八年) to provide a normative daily-recitation text for monks, nuns, and laypeople; it is divided into a *zongji* (総集) upper volume with "morning recitation" (朝時課誦) and "evening recitation" (暮時課誦), and a *bieji* (別集) lower volume with three categories: sutras (経類), spells (呪類), and miscellaneous records (雑録) — a classification inherited by the *Chanmen Risong*.
  • Its immediate predecessor was the *Bai ba ban jing* (百八般経), which Zhuhong's preface says was already recited morning and evening by clergy and laity; the paper argues this text was already largely formed before the *Zhujing Risong Jiyao*, but it is no longer extant.
  • The "Yunqi Gongzhu Guiyue" (雲棲共住規約) prescribes a four-period daily schedule: first period at the fifth watch (1–5 a.m.) with the Śūraṅgama spell, the "Upper Grade Upper Birth" chapter of the *Guan Wuliangshou jing*, 1,000 recitations of the Buddha's name, the "Small Pure Land Text," and a dedication; second period after the morning meal with the 48 vows and 1,000 recitations; third period in the afternoon with the *Amitābha Sūtra*, confession, 1,000 recitations, the "Great Pure Land Text," and dedication; fourth period at night with 100 recitations and contemplation. Penalties were set at 10 cash (銭十文) for missing the fixed time and 1 qian of silver (銀一銭) for omitting one item.
  • The *Zhujing Risong Jiyao*'s morning office includes the Great Compassion Spell and Ten Small Spells, and its evening office the Mengshan Feeding Ritual and Shandao's "Text on Contemplation Before Sleep," none of which appear in the "Yunqi Gongzhu Guiyue" — so the actual Yunqi practice was simpler than the manual.
  • Zhixu revised the *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* for reprinting (recorded in his "Preface to the Reprinted Revised Zhujing Risong"), criticizing the *Baizhang Qinggui* and three *Zhujing Risong* volumes for containing errors; he noted Zhuhong's edition circulated mainly in Hangzhou while inferior versions spread elsewhere, e.g., Nanjing.
  • Two Qing-era *Zhujing Risong* are identified: one revised by Miaoyuan (妙円) of Weiyang Wanshou Temple, adding "Lay Household Universal Dedication" and "Huayan Salutation Text" to the morning office and "Admonition to the Assembly" verse to the evening office (later inherited by the *Chanmen Risong*); and the *Chongjiao Zhujing Risong*, published at Haichuang Temple in Guangzhou, completed in 1723 (Yongzheng 1) by lay disciple Liang Yingju, with two further texts added by the monk Mochi in 1792 (Qianlong 57) — its page-center is stamped *Chanmen Risong*, indicating the transition.
  • The Japanese *Zenrin Kaju* was reprinted in 1662 (Kanbun 2) in Kyoto by Tahara Nizaemon, with Chinese pronunciation rendered in katakana; its structure is morning office, evening office, new/full-moon ritual, and miscellaneous collection. The *Ōbaku Shingi* was composed by Yinyuan (隠元, 1592–1673) in 1672 (Kanbun 12); its morning office lacks the Ten Small Spells and its evening office lacks Shandao's "Contemplation Before Sleep" text, but its framework continues the *Zhujing Risong Jiyao*.

Methods

  • Philological and textual-historical analysis of multiple editions and related manuals, comparing their structure, contents, prefaces, colophons, and publication records.
  • Sources examined include the *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* and its prefaces, the "Yunqi Gongzhu Guiyue," the *Chixiu Baizhang Qinggui* (敕修百丈清規) and Ming edicts (1382, 1412, 1424, 1442), Zhixu's preface, Qing-era *Zhujing Risong* editions, the Japanese *Zenrin Kaju* and *Ōbaku Shingi*, and prior scholarship by Araki Kengo and Kamata Shigeo.
  • The paper situates these texts within Ming–Qing state regulation of monastic rules and the standardization of daily liturgy.

Limitations

  • The paper states that the *Bai ba ban jing* is no longer extant, so its formation, content, and circulation remain entirely unknown.
  • The paper states that Zhixu's revised *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* is of unknown whereabouts, so the two cannot be compared.
  • The paper states that the *Zenrin Kaju* has no record of its date or place of composition, and no text of the same name has been found in China.
  • Evident from the text: the "Yunqi Gongzhu Guiyue" bears no explicit date, so its chronological relationship to the 1600 *Zhujing Risong Jiyao* cannot be precisely fixed; the paper notes only that the two are probably not far apart in time.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.4259/ibk.55.552

Cites

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

0 of 1 cited sources checked · 0 supported · 0 flagged

  • Findingown data

    The morning service in the Obaku Shingi does not include 十小呪.

    “早 課 に は ﹁ 楞 厳 呪 ﹂ ﹁ 心 経 ﹂ ︑ ﹁ 恰 山 願 文 ﹂ 或 い は ﹁ 華 厳 願 文 ﹂ ︑ ﹁ 回 向 文 ﹂ ︑ ﹁ 三 自 帰 ﹂ が あ る が ︑ ﹁ 十 小 呪 ﹂ が な い ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingreasoning
    § 結語

    The texts related to the changes of the Zhujing Risong Jiyao are the 雲棲共住規約, Zhixu's 重訂諸経日誦, two kinds of 諸経日誦 corrected in early Qing, and the 禅林課誦 and 黄檗清規 practiced in Japan.

    “そ の 変 遷 と 関 連 す る も の は ﹁ 雲 棲 共 住 規 約 ﹂ ︑ 智 旭 の ﹁ 重 訂 諸 経 日 誦 ﹂ ︑ 清 初 に 校 正 さ れ た 二 種 の ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 ﹄ ︑ さ ら に 日 本 で 実 行 さ れ た ﹃ 禅 林 課 誦 ﹄ と ﹃ 黄 檗 清 規 ﹄ な ど が 存 し て い る こ と を 明 ら か に し た ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingnone given
    § Introduction

    The classification method of 『諸経日誦集要』 is inherited in 『禅門日誦』.

    “こ の 分 類 の 仕 方 は ﹃ 禅 門 日 誦 ﹄ に も 継 承 さ れ て い る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingnone given
    § Introduction

    『諸経日誦集要』, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong in the late Ming, is the prototype of 『禅門日誦』.

    “明 末 に 雲 棲 朱 宏 ( 一 五 三 五 - 一 六 一 五 ) が 編 輯 し た ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ は ﹃ 禅 門 日 誦 ﹄ の 原 型 で あ る こ と が 明 ら か に な っ た”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Findingown data
    § 一

    The preface includes an edict of Yongle 22 (1424) that monks violating discipline would be dealt with strictly according to pure rules.

    “永 楽 二 十 二 年 ( 一 四 二 四 年 ) に 規 律 に 反 し た 僧 に 対 し て 清 規 に よ っ て 厳 し く 対 処 す る と し た 勅 令”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • It may state two separate claims as one. 23
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 17

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § 三

    Later Zhixu attempted to revise and disseminate 『諸経日誦集要』.

    “そ の 彼 は 後 年 ︑ ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ を 改 正 し て 流 布 し よ う と し た”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingcitation
    § 一

    In the "重刻諸経日誦序," when 『諸経日誦集要』 was compiled, another similar text, 『百八般経』, existed, and this 『百八般経』 was read morning and evening by monks, nuns, and laypeople at the time.

    “﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ を 編 纂 す る 際 に ︑ 別 の 同 類 の テ キ ス ト の ﹃ 百 八 般 経 ﹄ が 存 し ︑ こ の ﹃ 百 八 般 経 ﹄ と い う 書 物 は 当 時 ︑ 僧 尼 道 俗 が 朝 晩 に 読 誦 し て い た と 示 さ れ て い る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § 一

    In Zhengtong 7 (1442), because the woodblocks of 『敕修百丈清規』 had long been lost, later monks had not seen pure rules, did not know norms, and were not familiar with precepts, a request was made to republish it, obtain an imperial preface, and distribute it to monasteries.

    “正 統 七 年 ( 一 四 四 二 年 ) に ︑ 古 来 当 寺 に 伝 わ っ て き た ﹃ 敷 修 百 丈 清 規 ﹄ の 書 板 が 長 年 に 存 せ ず ︑ 後 学 の 僧 徒 は 清 規 を 見 た こ と が な く ︑ 規 範 を 知 ら ず ︑ 戒 律 を 習 熟 し て い な い た め ︑ 今 ︑ そ れ を 改 め て 刊 行 し て ︑ 皇 帝 か ら 序 文 を 賜 っ て 天 下 の 叢 林 に 頒 布 す る よ う と 懇 請 し て い る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 三

    『諸経日誦集要』 was revised by Zhixu (1599-1655) in the process of later dissemination; previous research has not mentioned this.

    “﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ が 後 世 流 布 の 過 程 で ︑ ﹁ 明 末 四 高 僧 ﹂ の 最 後 の 豪 僧 と さ れ た 智 旭 ( 一 五 九 九 - 一 六 五 五 ) に よ っ て 修 正 さ れ て い る こ と は 従 来 の 研 究 で は ま っ た く 言 及 さ れ て い な い”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim.

    Findingown data

    The evening service in the Obaku Shingi includes 弥陀経, 蒙山施食文, 心経, 往生呪, 願文, 警策, and 三帰.

    “晩 課 に は ﹁ 弥 陀 経 ﹂ ﹁ 蒙 山 施 食 文 ﹂ ﹁ 心 経 ﹂ ﹁ 往 生 呪 ﹂ ﹁ 願 文 ﹂ ︑ ﹁ 警 策 ﹂ ﹁ 三 帰 ﹂ が あ る が ︑ ﹁ 善 導 和 尚 示 臨 睡 入 観 文 ﹂ が な い ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingcitation
    § 一

    The preface includes an edict of Yongle 10 (1412) that monks must keep the old system, inherit ancestral style, and strictly observe pure rules.

    “永 楽 十 年 ( 一 四 一 二 年 ) に 僧 人 は 旧 制 を 守 ら な け れ ば な ら ず ︑ 祖 風 を 継 承 し て 清 規 を 厳 守 す る と し た 勅 令”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 三

    After that, Zhixu left Yunqi Temple, traveled nationwide, and became an eminent monk.

    “そ の 後 ︑ 彼 は 雲 棲 寺 を 離 れ ︑ 全 国 を 遍 歴 し て 一 代 の 高 僧 と な っ た の で あ る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingreasoning
    § 一

    『百八般経』 does not currently exist, so its formation, content, and dissemination remain completely unknown.

    “現 在 ︑ こ の ﹃ 百 八 般 経 ﹄ が 現 存 し て い な い た め ︑ そ の 形 成 や 内 容 ︑ 流 布 に つ い て は ︑ ま っ た く 不 明 の ま ま と な っ て い る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingcitation
    § 一

    The preface of 『敕修百丈清規』 describes the establishment and changes of "百丈清規" up to Ming Zhengtong 7 (1442).

    “序 文 で は 明 の 正 統 七 年 ( 一 四 四 二 年 ) に い た る ま で の ﹁ 百 丈 清 規 ﹂ の 成 立 と 変 遷 が 叙 述 さ れ て い る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

    Findingnone given
    § Introduction

    『諸経日誦集要』 was edited by Yunqi Zhuhong in Wanli 38 (1600).

    “﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ は 万 暦 三 十 八 年 ( 一 六 〇 〇 年 ) に 雲 棲 朱 宏 に よ っ て 編 輯 さ れ た も の で あ る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingown data
    § 二

    "雲棲共住規約" has no clear date.

    “こ の ﹁ 雲 棲 共 住 規 約 ﹂ は 明 確 な 年 代 が 記 さ れ て い な い が”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingcitation

    The postscript of the Obaku Shingi states that the newly created pure rules do not deny ancient and modern methods but are a compromise consulting various sources.

    “跋 文 に は ︑ 新 し く 作 ら れ た 清 規 は 決 し て 古 今 の 法 を 否 定 す る も の で な く ︑ た だ 様 々 な も の を 参 考 し て 折 衷 す る の で あ る と い う 趣 意 も 披 露 さ れ て い る ︒”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 二

    "雲棲共住規約" summarizes the results of Zhuhong's many years of trial and error and strictly defines behavioral norms in monastic life.

    “﹁ 雲 棲 共 住 規 約 ﹂ は 朱 宏 の 多 年 に わ た る 試 行 錯 誤 の 結 果 を 集 約 し た も の で ︑ 僧 団 生 活 に お け る 行 為 規 範 が 厳 密 に 定 め ら れ て い る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingcitation
    § 三

    According to Zhixu's account, in 1622, seven years after Zhuhong's death, at age 24, he practiced at Yunqi Temple, aroused bodhicitta, and made vows before Zhuhong's image.

    “彼 の 記 述 に よ れ ば ︑ 一 六 二 二 年 ︑ つ ま り 朱 宏 没 後 七 年 ︑ 二 四 歳 の 時 に ︑ 雲 棲 寺 で 修 行 し ︑ 菩 提 心 を 起 こ し て 朱 宏 の 像 前 に 誓 願 を 立 て た と い う”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § 二

    In "雲棲共住規約," daily recitation regulations are meticulous; the main hall rituals divide the day into four time periods, each with strictly determined procedures and memorized recitation.

    “日 課 の 規 定 は 綿 密 を き わ め る も の で あ り ︑ 本 堂 で の 儀 式 は 一 日 を 四 つ の 時 間 帯 に 区 分 し ︑ そ れ ぞ れ の 時 間 内 で 作 法 と 暗 誦 が 厳 格 に 決 ま っ て い る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 二

    Zhuhong revived Yunqi Temple and developed it into the largest nianfo society in the late Ming.

    “そ れ を 復 興 し て 明 末 最 大 の 念 仏 結 社 に ま で 発 展 さ せ た”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 結語

    After the Qing's 禅門日誦 replaced the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, while maintaining its prototype, many of its sutras, mantras, and recorded sayings were incorporated, and by the late Qing it transformed greatly into something expanded several times in scale.

    “し か し ︑ 清 の ﹃ 禅 門 日 誦 ﹄ は ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ に 取 っ て 代 わ っ て か ら ︑ そ の 原 型 を 維 持 し な が ら ︑ そ の 経 呪 文 と 語 録 な ど が 多 く 取 り 入 れ ら れ ︑ 清 末 に な る と 数 倍 の 規 模 へ 膨 ら ん だ も の へ と 大 き く 変 貌 し て し ま っ た の で あ る ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data

    In the '早晩堂' regulations of the Obaku Shingi, many parts are common with the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, but some different parts also exist.

    “そ の ﹁ 早 晩 堂 ﹂ の 規 定 に は ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ と 共 通 す る 部 分 が 多 く 見 ら れ る が ︑ 異 な る 部 分 も 多 く は な い が 存 在 し て い る ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingnone given
    § 二

    Zhuhong settled at Yunqi Temple in 1571.

    “朱 宏 が 一 五 七 一 年 に 雲 棲 寺 に 定 住 し”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingnone given
    § 二

    『諸経日誦集要』 morning recitation has "大悲呪" and "十小呪," and evening recitation has "蒙山施食儀" and "善導和尚示臨睡入観文," but "雲棲共住規約" does not have them and they were not practiced.

    “﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ の 朝 課 に は ﹁ 大 悲 呪 ﹂ と ﹁ 十 小 呪 ﹂ が あ り ︑ 晩 課 に は ﹁ 蒙 山 施 食 儀 ﹂ と ﹁ 善 導 和 尚 示 臨 睡 入 観 文 ﹂ が あ る の に ︑ ﹁ 雲 棲 共 住 規 約 ﹂ に は 設 け ら れ て お ら ず ︑ 実 行 さ れ て い な い”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § Introduction

    『諸経日誦集要』 is divided into upper and lower volumes, with a general collection and a separate collection.

    “そ の 内 容 構 成 は ︑ 総 集 と 別 集 を 立 て て 上 下 二 巻 に 分 け て い る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingcitation
    § 二

    According to "雲棲共住規約," among the four periods, three are worship and chanting, and one enters contemplation.

    “そ れ に よ れ ば ︑ 堂 中 四 時 の 動 静 に は 三 時 ( 三 つ の 時 間 帯 ) は 礼 拝 と 唱 え で ︑ 一 時 は 観 想 に 入 る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

    Findingcitation
    § 一

    The preface includes an edict of Hongwu 15 (1382) that monks not entering pure rules would be punished according to law.

    “明 初 の 洪 武 十 五 年 ( 一 三 八 二 年 ) の 諸 山 の 僧 人 で 清 規 に 入 ら な い 者 は 法 に 照 ら し て 取 り 締 ま る と し た 勅 令”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § Introduction

    The upper general collection is divided into morning recitation and evening recitation; the lower separate collection has three categories: sutras, spells, and miscellaneous records.

    “上 巻 の 総 集 で は ﹁ 朝 時 課 誦 ﹂ と ﹁ 暮 時 課 誦 ﹂ と に 分 か れ ︑ 下 巻 の 別 集 は 経 類 ︑ 呪 類 ︑ 雑 録 の 三 項 目 が 設 け ら れ て い る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Findingown data
    § 一

    The emperor did not send a preface, but the request for reprinting was permitted, and the book was distributed to temples.

    “結 局 ︑ 皇 帝 か ら 序 文 が 寄 せ ら れ る こ と は な か っ た が ︑ 再 刊 の 願 い は 許 可 さ れ ︑ そ れ が 各 寺 に 頒 布 さ れ る よ う に な っ た の で あ る”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

    Interpretationreasoning

    If the Zenrin Kaju as a whole is a reduced version of the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, then the daily routine of the '早晩堂' in the Obaku Shingi is recognized as an abridgment of the Zenrin Kaju.

    “ま た ︑ ﹃ 禅 林 課 誦 ﹄ は 全 体 と し て ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ の 縮 小 版 と す る な ら ︑ ﹃ 黄 檗 清 規 ﹄ の ﹁ 早 晩 堂 ﹂ の 日 課 は ﹃ 禅 林 課 誦 ﹄ の 要 約 し た も の と 認 め ら れ る ︒”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Interpretationnone given
    § 結語

    Changes up to the early Qing saw the basic structure of the Zhujing Risong Jiyao inherited while some adjustments were made, and overall it is seen to have progressed in the direction of simplification.

    “清 初 ま で の 変 化 は ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ の 基 本 構 成 が 受 け 継 が れ な が ら ︑ 多 少 の 調 整 が 行 わ れ ︑ 全 体 と し て 簡 略 化 の 方 向 に 進 ん で い た と 見 ら れ る ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • Probably not a substantial claim.

    Interpretationnone given
    § Introduction

    The purpose of 『諸経日誦集要』 was to provide a normative daily recitation text for monks, nuns, and laypeople of the time.

    “そ の 目 的 は 当 時 の 僧 尼 道 俗 に 規 範 的 な 日 課 用 の テ キ ス ト を 提 供 す る こ と に あ っ た”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Interpretationreasoning
    § 結語

    The Zenrin Kaju and the Obaku Shingi, although practiced in Japan, were in step with the trends of the early Qing.

    “﹃ 禅 林 課 誦 ﹄ と ﹃ 黄 檗 清 規 ﹄ は 日 本 で 実 行 さ れ て い た と は い え ︑ 清 初 の 動 向 と 歩 調 を 合 わ せ た も の で あ る ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Premisecitation
    § 二

    Yunqi Temple presided over by Zhuhong was neither an official temple nor a ten-direction monastery like a Zen specialized dojo; therefore its layout, daily norms, and doctrinal composition were all operated by Zhuhong's individual insight.

    “荒 木 見 悟 氏 が 指 摘 し て い る よ う に ︑ 朱 宏 の 主 宰 し た 雲 棲 寺 は 官 寺 で も な け れ ば ︑ 禅 の 専 門 道 場 の よ う な 十 方 叢 林 で も な い た め ︑ 寺 院 の 配 置 ︑ 日 常 の 規 範 ︑ 教 義 の 構 成 な ど は ︑ す べ て 朱 宏 一 個 の 見 識 に よ っ て 運 営 さ れ て い た”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites 荒木見悟

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Interpretationreasoning
    § 二

    For Zhuhong, 『諸経日誦集要』 was an ideal norm, and in actual operation each temple's situation allowed selection.

    “こ れ は 朱 宏 に と っ て は ﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ が あ く ま で 理 想 的 な 規 範 で ︑ 実 際 運 用 す る に あ た っ て は ︑ 各 寺 院 の 状 況 を 応 じ て そ の 取 捨 が 許 さ れ た も の と 考 え ら れ る”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim

  • It may state two separate claims as one.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The Obaku Shingi inherited Ming dynasty pure rules while also having parts modified according to Japanese circumstances.

    “よ っ て ︑ ﹁ 黄 檗 清 規 ﹂ は 明 代 の 清 規 を 継 承 し な が ら ︑ 日 本 の 事 情 に 応 じ て 修 正 し た と こ ろ も あ っ た こ と が 明 ら か で あ る ︒”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
32 of 32

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Research on 『諸経日誦集要』 has been extremely scarce, and no specialized research on it exists.

    “﹃ 諸 経 日 誦 集 要 ﹄ に つ い て は ︑ 従 来 研 究 が き わ め て 少 な か っ た”
    “専 門 的 に 研 究 が な さ れ て い な い の が 現 状 で あ る”

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The Zhujing Risong Jiyao is the archetype of the Chanmen Risong, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong.

    “the Zhujing Risong Jiyao, the archetype of the Chanmen Risong, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong.”

  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The Zenlin Kaju and the Obaku Shingi rituals were practiced in Edo period Japan.

    “the Zenlin Kaju and the Obaku Shingi, whose rituals were practiced in Edo period Japan”
3 of 3

Self-check

Percentages, sums and reported differences re-computed from the paper’s own numbers.

Each contradiction between two passages listed here was confirmed by an independent check.

  • The same year is assigned two different Wanli reign years

    Minor

    The paper dates 1600 to Wanli 38 in one passage and Wanli 28 in another. Both cannot be the reign-year designation for the same calendar year.

1 of 1

Citations

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Related

Metadata

Authors
CHEN, J.-D.
Venue
JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU)
Publisher
Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies
Published
2007
Volume
55
Issue
2
Pages
552-558,1238
ISSN
  • 0019-4344 (ISSN-L)
  • 1884-0051
DOI
10.4259/ibk.55.552
OpenAlex
W2317986934
Semantic Scholar
53d7f5627ca69e8cb1195e8a7d558be3fba15e40
Cited by
0
References
0
FWCI
0.00
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › Religious studies › Indian and Buddhist Studies
  • Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Chinese history and philosophy
  • Social Sciences › Cultural Studies › Japanese History and Culture
Keywords
Qing dynasty, textual edition, transmission of Buddhist texts

About these checks

Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.

A language model drew the claims from the paper on 2026-11-10, under version 3 of the claim definition (model deepseek-v4.1-flash, prompt extract-v3).

A second model labelled each claim on 2026-11-10 (model jev-1.13-20260917, definition revision gold-guideline-v0.2).

Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.

Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.

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