From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a “Postsocialist” Age

“universal anthropological needs but move to the question, raised by Nancy Fraser’s work, whether recognition and distribution need to be rigidly opposed.(54) Is a struggle for recognition not likely to be also a struggle for distribution? Oppressed identities are frequently deprived of a just share of resources.”

“However, as Nancy Fraser (1995) and others have argued, there are risks in privileging claims to cultural and personal authenticity without attending to resilient underlying structures of power and inequality.”

“The realms of culture, meaning and symbolism have been increasingly positioned as substantial components of the ‘post-socialist’ political landscape (Fraser 1995), recognising that ‘individuals are not primarily receivers of goods or carriers of properties, but actors with meanings’ (Young 1990, 28–29), and that these…”

“(Interview with Prabir [30] – Siliguri, West Bengal, India) Nancy Fraser (1995, 1997) has famously assigned heterosexism (and homophobia) to the domain of cultural politics, on grounds that the politics of same-sex sexualities have been determined by a need to assert recognition (socially and…”

“Some liberal communitarians such as Taylor and Honneth argue that even though multicultural justice may require recognition as esteem for individuals’ cultural identity, reservations should be shown in relation to appraising the value of all cultures independent of scrutiny of their content (Honneth, in Fraser and Hon…”

“As Fraser (2020) argues, such experiences of social marginalization can undermine recognition, potentially diminishing an individual’s sense of agency and reinforcing existing social hierarchies.”

“Hartley (2011), Terzi (2010) and Stein (2006) all reinforce the critique of Rawls’ approach for”

“Fraser (1995, 2000, 2007) maintains that escaping the ‘ claws ’ of injustice is a major challenge.”

“Nancy Fraser (1995, 2003) articulates social justice as based on three dimensions—recognition, distribution, and representation—through which people may take part in or be excluded from social life.”

“Drawing from hooks’ capitalist patriarchy and intersectionality (1984/2000), Mazzucato’s entrepreneurial state and the changing context of innovation (Mazzucato 2013), and Fraser’s redistributive justice (Fraser 1995).”

“As Nancy Fraser (1995) has argued, justice requires both recognition and redistribution.”

“Transformative strategies of redistribution seek to critically challenge the ‘deep structures’ (Fraser, 1995: 85) of value that define and distribute capital; in the case of education, this would mean questioning – and actively modelling alternatives to – what currently ‘counts’ as desirable…”

“Affirmative acts address manifestations of inequity, whereas transformative strategies focus on dismantling underlying systems of oppression to challenge inequity (Fraser, 1995).”

“Although increasing ethnic and cultural diversity have made the terrain on which these struggles are waged much more complex (Fraser, 1995), we observed that place-based struggles are an important catalyst to generate solidarities in diversity.”

“Fraser (1995, 1998, 2005) proposed three principles of justice to examine valuation con fl icts: recognition, representation and redistribution.”

“Several observers have noted that while we have seen a relative shift towards recognition in many Western countries, “justice today requires both redistribution and recognition” (Fraser, 1995:2).”

“…for a moment (and please do mentally extend this to think about the differences of little Jane, Abdul, Mandurway, Tarquin, Kimiko and the rest of their classmates), fraser (1995, 1997) has developed a theoretical approach to justice that might help to unpack some of the issues a little more deeply.”

“Environmental justice struggles are inherently what Nancy Fraser (1995) calls bivalent, because they combine the call for recognition of environmental values as a basis of identity politics, with the redistribution of environmental harms equally among social classes and racial groups.”

“Fraser (1997, 2000) has engaged in a project that simultaneously tackles cultural domination and economic exploitation.”

“The second imension contains recognitional justice, which is concerned with idenity and cultural recognition ( Fraser 1995 , 2000 , 2009 ).”

“Following Fraser (1995), we can broadly define social inequality as the unequal distribution of (access to) resources that matter for people’s quality of life and wellbeing, including material and immaterial resources as well as recognition (cf. Lamont et al., 2014).”

“Critical theorists and cultural studies scholars have conceptualised cultural justice in relation to the politics of representation as implicated in recognition, respect, dignity and equity (Denning, 2004; Fraser, 1995; Ross, 1998).”

“The lack of consistent disconnection reporting for prepayment customers in Queensland (Supplementary Note 5), NT, WA and SA obscures the true level of energy insecurity in these regions 26,54 .”

“However, the major challenge to Young's thesis came from Nancy Fraser (2008), who argued that redistribution (economic/material) and recognition (cultural/ symbolic) factors should both be included in conceptualizing and analyzing social justice.”

“Norwegian integration policy combines the principles of what Nancy Fraser (1995) has called “a politics of redistribution” and “a politics of recognition.””

“…led to key theoretical interventions on a number of critical questions regarding the transformation of political action during a ‘post-socialist age’ (Fraser 1995 ), including the relationship between influential actors and institutions at different scales (Merry 2006 ), the importance of…”

“Drawing on Nancy Fraser (1995), we argue that such a development necessitates a shift from ‘affirmative’ to ‘transformative’ approaches to social change in the disability area.”

“Coming from more of a political science–oriented perspective, Fraser (1998) suggests that feminist theory’s shift from the politics of distribution (i.e., Marxist) to recognition (i.e., identity politics) means that frameworks for justice are uneven, ignoring how recognition is shaped by…”

“Participation parity is, thus, a condition for both reducing institutionalised oppression and misrecognition and a means of gaining a more just distribution (Fraser 1998).”

“Drawing on the work of critical theorist Nancy Fraser (1995, 2000, 2007, 2008), issues of representation are also problematic in discussions of ethics reviews as policies governing research.”

“The work of Nancy Fraser (1995) on social justice also emphasises the need for a “critical theory of recognition” (p. 69) alongside socio-economic ‘redistribution’.”

“New social movements, such as the LGB movement, use both types of tactics when they focus on the “politics of recognition” and “politics of redistribution” (Bernstein, 1997; Fraser, 1995; Taylor & Whittier, 1992).”

“Nancy Fraser (1995) insists that affirmative solutions that recognise rights or identity claims fail to transform underlying inequalities because they are predicated on subordination to the (for our purposes, intrinsically disablist) statutory framework.”

“When it comes to ideology and class, the orthodox social psychological conception of social being contributes to the affirmation rather than the transformation of the existing social relations of production (Fraser, 1995, 2003).”

“…policies shape the experience of those targeted (or neglected) by state authority, and they shape their standing (or self-perception) as citizens or valued members of the polity commanding autonomy, respect, recognition, and protection (Mettler and Soss 2004; Soss and Weaver 2017; Fraser 1995).”

“Representational justice is intentionally having opportunities for expression by students who have been historically underserved by educational systems (Fraser, 2008; Lambert, 2018).”

“…equality requires (in addition to a redistribution of labor) a recognition of the myriad activities through which women provide for and contribute to productive labor; it requires that women’s invisible agricultural labor, for instance, become visible (Fraser 1995; Pattnaik and Lahiri-Dutt 2022).”

“…to move beyond reasonable accommodation for the reasons noted above and also because, as it has been argued, an emphasis on mere resource allocation does little to stem the problem of stigmatisation and, at worse, reinforces the ‘deficiencies’ associated with stigmatised groups (Fraser 1995, 1997).”

“…representational harms, I will examine the interweaving of distributive and recog-nitive functions of justice to propose a ‘ deontological ’ approach (Fraser 1998, 2001, 2005) that can aid the evaluation of justice claims and the design of restorative actions within a sociocultural framing of…”

“More generally, not just in relation to restitution, Fraser (2008) famously claimed that identity politics and identitarian affirmations are consistent with a liberal politics of surface redistribution within the existing sociopolitical structure, as opposed to a strategy of identitarian…”

“Critical social justice theory often revolves around the relevance, prioritization, and relationship between economic (distributive), status (recognition), and political (representation) justice (Fraser, 2021; Lynch, 2012).”

“Fraser’s notion of bivalency – that material inequalities and cultural recognitions are ‘primary and co-original’ (Fraser, 1995, p. 85) and not indirect effects of each other – connects the formation of the linguistic collectivity to consciousness of its material entitlements.”

“…dent in pinkwashing and the Israeli occupation; rather they are acts of collusion with the very system they purport to condemn; they are instances of “affirmative strategies” (FRASER, 1995) that seek to ameliorate existing arrangements without challenging the very foundations upon which they rest.”

“First, Nancy Fraser (1995, 2000) has developed a normative theory of social justice in which she initially distinguishes between the redistribution of resources and the socio-cultural recognition of status as two complementary ways of ensuring participatory parity.”

“Fraser emphasizes that gender is paradigmatically a bivalent collectivity which encompasses ‘political-economic dimensions and cultural-valuational dimensions’ (1995, 78) such that feminist justice requires ‘both redistribution and recognition’ (Fraser 1995, 69).”

“In both respects this increases social capital, which can have an important role in promoting social participation of people living with disabilities (Chenoweth and stehlik 2004, 64). yet such social capital may be insufficient to achieve ‘participatory parity’ (Fraser 1995).”

“46 reciprocity could not promote solidaristic relations since a discourse of eligibility and entitlements disembedded from recognition practices leads to competition between groups for goods and services perceived to be scarce (Frazer, 1995).”

“…1995), what unites these postmodernist-influenced orientations is an overt recognition of the subjectivity of experience and epistemology (Benton & Craib, 2001) that acknowledges the complexity of social and material reality for multiple groups and communities (Fraser, 1995; Hartsock, 1998a).”

“This pluralistic perspective challenges any hegemonic assumption that there is a single “correct” data-driven solution (Fraser, 1995; Kitchin, 2023; Sorensen et al., 2024).”

“We argue with Fraser (1995) that counteracting injustices requires transformative, as opposed to affirmative, remedies.”

“communitarian authors have proposed various core values, such as respecting the dignity of all persons, tolerance, peaceful resolution of conflicts and truth telling (Etzioni 1993), love and compassion for others, wisdom, equity and fulfilment (Tam 1998), and civic-mindedness, unity, responsibility and selfdiscipline…”

“Fraser (1995); young (1990).”

“Working with young women who were negotiating economic and symbolic injustice and aiming to modify this injustice in our immediate environment, our four practices were all informed by the principles of redistribution, recognition, and representation (Fraser, 1995, 2007).”

“In recent decades critics of liberal democracy have begun to argue that political injustice stems not only from unequal resource distribution, but disparities of status recognition (Fraser, 1995; Honneth, 1996; Taylor, 1997).”