Introduction

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Political fearmongering about the threat that gender diversity poses to the political and social order frequently returns to invocations of the putative threat to women and children.

“political fearmongering about the threat that gender diversity poses to the political and social order frequently returns to invocations of the putative threat to”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Trans-exclusionary positions have emerged most loudly at moments when feminist movements have insisted on the centrality of trans liberation to their cause.

“trans-exclusionary positions have emerged most loudly at moments when feminist movements have insisted on the centrality of trans liberation to their cause.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing).

These facts about Mitchell's success have not been as effective as invoking the specter of trans girl runners as the harbingers of the future downfall of all women's sports.

“But these facts clearly have not been as effective as simply invoking the specter of trans girl runners as the harbingers of the future downfall of all women's sports”

• cites Mitchell, 2021Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

May combine two claims.

Chelsea Mitchell admits she is a very successful runner who has beaten transgender girls in high school races many times, including Terry Miller.

“Mitchell admits that she is actually a very successful runner who has beat transgender girls in high school races many times, including Terry Miller, one of the trans girls named in the Soule lawsuit”

• cites Mitchell, 2021Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). The quote only partly states this claim.

Mitchell's first-person article contains a subhead exhorting 'Don't Eliminate Women's Sports,' as if elimination was on the table.

“Mitchell's (2021) first-person article (carefully placed on yahoo.com),”

• cites Mitchell, 2021Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The simplistic vignette of a clash of progressive feminist versus conservative anti-feminist ideas fails to capture the complexities of our current cultural moment.

“But the simplistic vignette of a clash of progressive feminist versus conservative anti-feminist ideas fails to capture the complexities of our current cultural moment”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

From the outset, the first anti-gender thinkers were keen to not present themselves simply as reacting to queer and feminist social advancements, attempting instead to utilize the latter as opportunities to establish something of an alternative conceptual laboratory.

“In fact, from the outset, the first anti-gender thinkers were keen to not present themselves simply as reacting to queer and feminist social advancements, attempting instead to utilize the latter as opportunities to establish something of an alternative conceptual laboratory.”

May combine two claims.

In this discourse, trans womanhood is rendered as an example of individual behavior that is perverted and deviant, and cis womanhood is rendered as an ontological state whose normativity derives from its putative naturalness.

“Importantly, both trans and cis womanhood are here rendered in highly ideological ways: the former as an example of individual behavior that is perverted and deviant and the latter as an ontological state whose normativity derives from its putative naturalness.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The articles in this special issue showcase a particular manifestation of what Traverso (2019) describes as 'postfascism,' a broad, open-ended and uneven cultural moment of political and cultural transition in which tropes and rhetorical fragments echoing pre-1945 fascist projects intersect heterogeneously with the current political culture of neoliberalism.

“What these articles showcase, we argue, is a particular manifestation of what Enzo Traverso (2019) describes as”

• cites Traverso (2019)Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Fascist movements, ideologies, and imaginaries that had been hastily declared defunct after 1945 seem to be having something of a powerful afterlife.

“one in which fascist movements, ideologies, and imaginaries that had been hastily declared defunct after 1945 seem to be having something of a powerful afterlife (Eco 1995).”

• cites Eco 1995Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The story of gender-critical movement's opposition to Gender Theory is familiar to and has long been promulgated by right-wing pundits and movements across old and new media platforms alike.

“If this story sounds like far-right conspiracy theorizing, that is because it is familiar to and has long been promulgated by right-wing pundits and movements across old and new media platforms alike.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Anatrella argued that Western societies that eagerly 'celebrate diversity' are waging a cultural war against the physical, psychological, and ontological differences between men and women.

“In it, Anatrella argued that the same Western societies that eagerly”

• cites Stambolis-Ruhstorfer and Tricou 2017: 84Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In the late 1990s, French priest and psychoanalyst Tony Anatrella published La différence interdite: Sexualité, éducation, violence trente ans après Mai 68.

“In the late 1990s, for example, French priest and psychoanalyst Tony Anatrella (1998) published La différence interdite: Sexualité, éducation, violence trente ans après Mai 68.”

• cites Tony Anatrella (1998)Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Much of what is under contestation in our current cultural moment is the meaning attributed to feminism itself.

“one in which much of what is under contestation is the meaning attributed to feminism itself.”

May combine two claims.

In Germany, the slogan 'Geisteskrankheit namens Gendermainstreaming' first advanced in 2014 by the far-right group Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes has reappeared in widely respected newspapers, magazines, and TV as part of the increasing circulation in mainstream media of gender-critical soundbites and talking points.

“For example, in Germany the slogan”

• cites Haller and Holt 2019: 1677Not checked yet

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• cites von Redecker 2016Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

Today we must attend to the syncretic soldering of the fascist 'crisis-woman' to the neoliberal 'at-risk' woman and even to particular varietals of liberal feminism.

“the same”

• cites Banet-Weiser 2015 sourceNot checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

When distinguished, the TERF movement and the anti-gender movement are only sometimes discussed alongside one another, even though the parallels are multiple.

“and when distinguished are only sometimes discussed alongside one another, even though the parallels are multiple.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

The process of repackaging 'gender' as postfascist politics involves a variety of social agents: parent groups, neofascist youth organizations, Catholic intellectuals, far-right publishers, pro-life activists, infotainment personalities, online content creators, and national political leaders.

“The process of repackaging”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Gender critical thinking gets articulated, in other instances, as a timely piece of feminist militancy grounded on an essentialist story of womanhood as always already under threat: in danger, at risk, and in need of protection.

“and, in others, as a timely piece of feminist militancy grounded on an essentialist story of womanhood as always already under threat: in danger, at risk, and in need of protection.”

• cites Kuhar and Paternotte 2017bNot checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

The 'post' in Traverso's 'postfascism' should be read neither temporally nor as negating any kind of world-historical frame, but rather as drawing out the entrenched 'fascist potential' in supposedly democratic presents.

“As Bray et al. (20203) remind us, the”

• cites Bray et al. (20203)Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Today proponents of trans exclusion are more likely to use a strategy of 'insidious concern' than a straightforward moral indictment of transness.

“As Mickey Elster explains in this special issue, today proponents of trans exclusion are more likely to use what the author calls a strategy of”

• cites Mickey ElsterNot checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

TERFism is typically described as an originally fringe group of Anglophone-largely American, British, and Australian-1970s cultural feminism that has grown exponentially over the past decade partially due to heightened media exposure.

“TERFism is typically described as an originally fringe group of Anglophonelargely American, British, and Australian-1970s cultural feminism that has grown exponentially over the past decade partially due to heightened media exposure.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In all its multiple manifestations, gender-critical discourse ostensibly takes issue with the feminist theoretical notion that sex and gender are social and cultural inventions.

“In all its multiple manifestations, gender-critical discourse ostensibly takes issue with the feminist theoretical notion that sex and gender are social and cultural inventions (Scott 2016: 300)”

• cites Scott 2016 sourceNot checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

May combine two claims.

The gender-critical trans-exclusionary feminist movement organized against the proposed changes to the GRA, causing the reform process to stall.

“the gendercritical trans-exclusionary feminist movement organized against the proposed changes to the act, causing the reform process to stall (Pearce, Erikainen, and Vincent 2020: 678-79).”

• cites Pearce, Erikainen, and Vincent 2020Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Fascism entered the political arena, in the very first instance, as a 'powerful cultural synthesis' of a variety of conservative, liberal, and even progressive formations.

“fascism entered the political arena, in the very first instance, as a”

• cites Bloch ([1935] 1977: 5)Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

What is being articulated in Anatrella's account is a distinctively right-wing anticapitalism which casts heteronormative cis women as the ultimate losers of modernization and, therefore, the potential vanguard in the resistance against it.

“What is being articulated here is a distinctively right-wing anticapitalism which casts heteronormative cis women as the ultimate losers of modernization and, therefore, the potential vanguard in the resistance against it.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Gender-critical discourse takes issue with the trans political vision for a world where a multitude of lives beyond the gender binary are both imaginable and rendered materially possible.

“and, crucially, with the attendant trans political vision for a world where a multitude of lives beyond the gender binary are both imaginable and rendered materially possible.”

• cites Scott 2016 sourceNot checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

The supposed untranslatability of gender is an easily recognizable postfascist rhetorical device because refusing the possibility that a particular concept can be hybridized and rephrased in national languages other than English implicitly articulates the vision of a world made out of sovereign, linguistically and culturally uniform protectionist nations that will not bow down and assimilate putat

“Much like the assemblage of fascist and neoliberal gendered figurations we have examined so far, the supposed untranslatability of gender is an easily recognizable postfascist rhetorical device: this is because refusing the possibility that a particular concept can be hybridized and rephrased in national languages other than English implicitly articulates the vision of a world made out of”

The quote only partly states this claim.

The anti-gender movement shows that the postfascist redefinition of democratic theory is occurring through the transformation of terms including gender, sexuality, nation, race, women, and transgender.

“If, as Finchelstein (2019: 97) has suggested, today's right-wing movements that act within democratic national contexts are indeed engaged in a systematic”

• cites Finchelstein (2019: 97)Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

May combine two claims.

The gender-critical politicization of a true womanhood under threat by trans politics is genealogically coherent with multiple conservative moral panics and resilient fascist tropes and with the longue durée of liberal, bourgeois, white feminist exclusions perpetrated along racial and class lines.

“In fact, the gender-critical politicization of a true womanhood under threat by trans politics is not only genealogically coherent with multiple conservative moral panics and resilient fascist tropes but also with the longue durée of liberal, bourgeois, white feminist exclusions perpetrated along racial and class lines.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Many varietals of thinking about gender that have traveled under the name of feminism over the past 150 years have each had their critics.

“This is not to say, of course, that the many varietals of thinking about gender that have traveled under the name of feminism over the past 150 years have not each had their critics.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

This fearmongering is also an effort to consolidate a sense of cis womanhood as ontologically defined by a particular relationship to victimization.

“it is just as much an effort to consolidate a sense of cis womanhood as ontologically defined by a particular relationship to victimization, the incursion of trans and otherwise gender-affirming politics being only the most recent perpetrator thereof.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The project of doing feminism better has obscured critical questions about how we understand feminism itself.

“The project of doing feminism better, we worry, has obscured a host of sobering but absolutely critical questions about how we understand feminism itself.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

A common tenet of many feminisms is sustained attention to how embodied experience is accounted for and hierarchized in structures of power.

“one common tenet-not universal, but common-of many feminisms is the importance of sustained attention to how embodied experience is accounted for, and frequently hierarchized, in structures of power”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

This latter approach to feminist politics is typically committed to the assumption of a coterminousness between womanhood and vulnerability, especially sexual vulnerability.

“this latter approach to feminist politics is typically and profoundly committed to the assumption of a coterminousness between womanhood and vulnerability-especially sexual vulnerability.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention in 1848 identified a set of priorities for women that were almost entirely unresponsive to the condition of Black and Native women.

“That the Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention in 1848 identified a set of priorities for women that were almost entirely unresponsive to the condition of Black and Native women”

May combine two claims.

Neoliberal economics emphasizes flexibility, which manifests as an absorptive capacity and a tendency to take the shape of the political container it fills.

“One of the hallmarks of what we might call this style of neoliberal economics is precisely its emphasis on flexibility, which manifests at times as an incredibly absorptive capacity, a tendency to take the shape of the political container it fills.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

Positing cis womanhood as under attack by trans people appeals to self-identified feminists while invoking paternalistic and protective approaches to womanhood, drafting them into transphobic and transmisogynist projects.

“positing cis womanhood, as a putative experience, as under attack by trans people appeals to those who would call themselves feminists while also invoking older and more paternalistic and protective approaches to womanhood.It drafts those who would seek to protect”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Ringing the alarm around the putative victimization and endangerment of individual cis women draws on an age-old strategy in North American feminisms that has historically walked in step with white supremacy and nativism.

“ringing the alarm around the putative victimization and endangerment of individual cis women draws on an age-old strategy, at least in the context of North American feminisms, and one that has historically walked neatly in step with white supremacy and nativism.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

This position requires a belief in something akin to a reform politics.

“This position requires a belief in something akin to a reform politics”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

There is a neat alignment between the interests of trans-exclusionary radical feminists and conservative litigators in presenting trans people, especially trans women, as an endemic threat to feminism and womanhood.

“Here we can see the neat alignment between the interests of trans-exclusionary radical feminists and those of conservative litigators: through the recourse to the rhetoric of victimization or sheer elimination, they present trans people, and especially trans women, as an endemic threat to both feminism and womanhood more broadly.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

White supremacist feminisms, such as those of Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Margaret Sanger, are feminisms.

“White supremacist feminisms-think of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Margaret Sanger, and other self-avowed feminists who advocated for racial eugenics, among other ideas -are feminisms.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Trans-exclusionary and gender-critical feminisms are feminisms.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The folding of trans-exclusionary politics into global right-wing movements is not a new or necessarily recent phenomenon.

“this is not, in some ways, a new or even necessarily recent phenomenon.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Trans-exclusionary and gender-critical feminisms have gained terrifying traction on a global scale over the last fifty or so years.

“a recent (but not in any way new) formation of feminism that has gained terrifying traction on a global scale over the last fifty or so years.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Trans-exclusionary and gender-critical feminisms are feminisms.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In this postfascist feminism, feminist working-class solidarity is replaced by the idea that women should be brought together by a shared self-definition as biologically overdetermined and authentically gendered subjects, or normal women.

“Here, in fact, feminist working-class solidarity seems to be replaced by the idea that what should instead bring women together is a shared self-definition as biologically overdetermined and authentically gendered subjects-in other words,”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Critiques of how feminism has been invoked for pernicious ends have not yet spurred a careful enough reckoning with the enduringly ambivalent character of feminism.

“Critiques of how feminism has, today and in earlier times, been invoked in service of a wide range of pernicious and anti-liberationist ends have somehow not yet spurred a careful enough reckoning with the enduringly ambivalent character of feminism.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Trans-exclusionary feminisms represent a rising tide of conservative feminism, a movement increasingly hailed by its proponents as something like a feminism of the 99 percent from a distinctively right-wing perspective.

“Trans-exclusionary feminisms-in their manifold, quicksilver iterationsrepresent a rising tide of conservative feminism, a movement increasingly hailed by its proponents as something like a feminism of the 99 percent from a distinctively right-wing perspective.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Trans-exclusionary and gender-critical feminisms are feminisms.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The essays received for the special issue tended to cluster around well-studied sites, primarily the United States and England, with additional essays on Japan and France.

“The essays that we received, however, tended to cluster around a host of fairly well-studied sites, relative to this phenomenon, primarily the United States and England, although the issue also contains essays from writers discussing trans-exclusionary politics in Japan and France.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Feminism is not one thing; there are endless varietals of feminist activism, theorizing, politics, and praxis.

“Feminism is not, of course, one thing.There are endless varietals of feminist activism, theorizing, politics, and praxis.”

May combine two claims.

The Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention was a feminist effort despite its unresponsiveness to Black and Native women.

“does not mean it was not a feminist effort.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The self-evident nature of the idea that feminism is multiple has not been sufficiently absorbed into understanding of trans-exclusionary feminisms, gender-critical feminisms, or other veins of feminist thinking concerned with refuting trans women's womanhood.

“somehow the self-evident nature of this idea has not, at least to our mind, been sufficiently absorbed into our understanding of trans-exclusionary feminisms, gender-critical feminisms, or other veins of feminist thinking that could broadly be characterized by an enduring concern with refuting the womanhood of trans women and contesting the legitimacy of trans experience as a whole.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The consistent recourse to the language of vulnerability and extinction foregrounds the concept of harm as central to feminist understanding of women's experience in patriarchy and to the optimal approach of feminism to law.

“The consistent recourse to the language of vulnerability and extinction -”

• cites Halley, 2005Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Neoliberalism, the structuring economic condition under which we currently live, demands deftness in the face of ambivalence and complexity.

“The structuring economic conditions under which we currently liveneoliberalism -also demand incredible deftness in the face of ambivalence and complexity.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Framing trans women as a threat to cis girls and women, often specifically a threat to sexual safety, insists on the exchangeability of woman and cis woman.

“To frame trans women as a threat to cis girls and women-and often as specifically a threat to sexual safety, as advocates for trans-exclusionary bathroom bills have been wont to do-is to insist on the exchangeability of woman and cis woman”

May combine two claims.

If trans-exclusionary feminisms are at least fifty years old in the United States, then the importance of trans people to feminist political liberation is even more enduring.

“If trans-exclusionary feminisms are at least fifty years old in the United States, for example, then the importance of trans people to feminist political liberation, as scholars such as Emma Heaney and Jules Gill-Peterson have demonstrated, is even more enduring.”

• cites HeaneyNot checked yet

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• cites Gill-PetersonNot checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The clustering of essays is probably due at least in part to an overlapping Anglophone readership and the explosion of conversations on trans-exclusionary feminisms in US American and British scholarly communities over the last five years.

“While this is probably due at least in part to a mix of an overlapping Anglophone readership and the fact that conversations on trans-exclusionary feminisms have more or less exploded over the last five years in US American and British scholarly communities”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Trans-exclusionary feminism points to the existence, or even an apotheosis, of a coalitional and longstanding global Far Right imagination that has been decades in the making.

“It is a movement-indeed, a feminism-that points to the existence, or even an apotheosis, of a coalitional and longstanding global Far Right imagination that has been decades in the making.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Trans-exclusionary and gender-critical feminisms are feminisms.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

A politics of purity understands harm one causes as an extension of one's identity.

“On an individual or highly localized level, a politics of purity understands harm that one causesintentionally, knowingly, recklessly, or negligently, to invoke one of the foundational logics of mainstream feminism's most darling allies, American criminal law -as an extension of one's identity.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

To insist that feminism cannot accommodate oppressive politics is to commit to historical revisionism and present-day refusal of reality that bespeaks a will to ignore or conceal harm done in the name of feminism.

“First, to insist on the idea that feminism cannot accommodate oppressive politics is to commit to a kind of historical revisionism and present-day refusal of reality that bespeaks a will to ignore or even conceal the harm that is done in the name of feminism.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Even an issue full of essays showcasing distinct regions, languages, religious traditions, and political milieux would never be able to offer a comprehensive account of the growing importance of trans-exclusionary politics to a vast range of right-wing movements.

“even an issue full of essays showcasing distinct regions, languages, religious traditions, and political milieux would nonetheless never be able to offer a comprehensive account of the growing importance of trans-exclusionary politics to a vast range of right-wing movements.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Trans-exclusionary politics is an increasing and increasingly complex phenomenon that has contributed to both the strength of right-wing movements and the strength of cultures of transphobia.

“Trans-exclusionary politics is an increasing and increasingly complex phenomenon that has contributed to both the strength of right-wing movements and the strength of cultures of transphobia.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

One source of feminism's political versatility across left- and right-wing projects is that the notion of feminism has accrued an almost impossible capaciousness over the last century and a half.

“One of the many sources of feminism's political versatility in a range of both left-and right-wing projects is the fact that the notion of feminism has accrued an almost impossible capaciousness over the last century and a half.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

This postfascist variation on a feminism of the 99 percent is problematically essentialist and highly paternalistic.

“This postfascist variation on a feminism of the 99 percent is certainly both problematically essentialist and highly paternalistic”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The transphobic imperative to frame transness through the lens of novelty undergirds trans-exclusionary feminist claims to the historical endurance of their beliefs.

“the transphobic imperative to consistently frame transness through the lens of novelty undergirds transexclusionary feminist claims to the historical endurance of their beliefs.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

There is no stability of meaning that might be attributed to the term feminist politics.

“There is no stability of meaning that might be attributed to the term feminist politics.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The Lexicon officially opened what the Pontifical Council for the Family called a semantic battle.

“The dictionary officially opened what the Pontifical Council for the Family called”

• cites Pontifical Council for the Family ( 2006)Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

This position suffers from an inability or unwillingness to see problems inherent in the structure itself, focusing instead on fixing smaller manifestations of deeper-seated issues.

“it suffers from all the predictable liabilities of reform projects more generally, namely, an inability (or unwillingness) to see the problems that inhere in the structure itself, choosing instead to focus on fixing the smaller manifestations of the deeperseated issues.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

A politics of purity insists on the bind between identity and action, which makes taking responsibility almost impossible.

“But what we are referring to as a politics of purity insists on the bind between identity and action, which in turn makes taking responsibility almost impossible.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The argument that TERF is a slur leans on a politics of injury that distances itself from the harmful work trans-exclusionary radical feminism does.

“the argument by trans-exclusionary radical feminists that the term TERF (an acronym for”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Critiques of liberal feminism rarely ask whether feminism itself is the problem, focusing instead on how to make feminism better.

“Rarely do these critiques ask whether feminism itself is the problem, focusing instead on how to make feminism better: more anti-racist, more responsive to both structural and localized injustices, less hegemonic.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

This postfascist variation may not be any less feminist because it is in line with a particular Euro-American genealogy of liberal feminism.

“but, as we will see more clearly in the next section, it may not, in fact, be any less feminist for that, as it is also perfectly in line with a particular Euro-American genealogy of liberal feminism.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Anti-gender movements are fascist trends that support increasingly authoritarian governments.

“Anti-gender movements are not just reactionary but fascist trends, the kind that support increasingly authoritarian governments.”

• cites Butler, 2021Not checked yet

  Not checked in the free run.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

It has taken until the last decade, at least in the United States, for mainstream feminisms to experience a paradigm-shifting reckoning with the ambivalent character of feminist activism and politics.

“Part of the problem-not all of it, granted, but certainly part of it-may be that it has taken until the last decade, at least in the United States, for mainstream feminisms to experience a paradigm-shifting reckoning with the ambivalent character of feminist activism and politics, even as this reckoning had long been called for and has been unevenly absorbed.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The recourse to vulnerability language is an effort to reify the political innocence of women and feminism by defining them through phantasmatic vulnerability to trans people without accountability for the aggressive political harm they have been used to effect.

“It is also, it should be said, an effort to reify the political innocence of women (well, cis women, and even then, only certain cis women) and feminism by defining those terms through a framework of phantasmatic vulnerability to trans people and politics without any accountability for the aggressive political harm they have also been used to effect.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The impulse to understand feminism as an incontrovertible political good is a form of purity politics that refuses to engage the pressing problem of ambivalence.

“Second, and related, the impulse to understand feminism as an incontrovertible political good is a form of purity politics that-apart from being a clichéd hallmark, in our current moment, of a particular cadre of the white Left-refuses to engage the pressing problem of ambivalence.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

This latter approach assumes women to be the subject of feminism and womanhood to be an easily delineated category that includes most cis women and excludes most trans people, including trans women.

“This latter approach also assumes women to be the subject of feminism, and womanhood to be an easily delineated category that includes most cis women and excludes most trans people, including -or especiallytrans women.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In some contexts, attention to embodied difference has been a vital site of resistance to racist violence and hegemony.

“In some contexts this attention to embodied difference has been a vital site of resistance to, for example, racist violence and hegemony.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Trans-exclusionary politics within feminism have become a crucible for what feminism is understood to be and do, and point to different feminist horizons delimited or made possible by different visions of the feminist political.

“Trans-exclusionary politics within feminism have also become a veritable crucible for what we understand feminism to be and to do, and they point importantly to the different feminist horizons that are delimited or made possible by different visions of the feminist political.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Some feminists seem reluctant to recognize trans-exclusionary feminism as a conservative feminism.

“That some feminists seem reluctant to recognize it as such speaks to the need for better and more widely available vocabularies, frameworks, and analyses for how to anatomize the multivalent fortunes of feminist politics in the twenty-first century.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). The quote only partly states this claim.

The imagined 99 percent of women oppressed by corrupt genderist elites is fully stripped of the classed connotations of other kinds of mass feminist mobilization, chiefly socialist feminism.

“Importantly, this imagined 99 percent of women oppressed by the corrupt”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Thinking about trans-exclusionary feminisms as part of ongoing litigation over legitimate womanhood may allow a clearer story about their rise and help short-circuit their welcome in right-wing and liberal movements.

“if we think about trans-exclusionary feminisms as part of an ongoing litigation surrounding what constitutes legitimate womanhood, which has been consistently conscripted into the service of forms of structural power that we would do well to work against-white supremacy, xenophobia and nativism, ableism and eugenics -we may well end up being able to tell a clearer and more canny story about the”