A New Reconstruction of the Reigns of Adad-nārārī II and Tukultī-Ninurta II in Light of Five Unattributed Royal Inscriptions

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II's throne name was programmatic, as his namesake not only conquered a large swathe of Ḫanigalbat, but also vanquished the Kassite king Nazi-Maruttaš, a deed celebrated in an Assyrian epic composition and later literary tradition.

“His throne name (which he himself intriguingly calls an "important name" [šumu kabtu, RIMA.0.99.2 9-10]) was programmatic, 65 as his namesake not only conquered a large swathe of Ḫanigalbat, but also celebratedly vanquished the Kassite king Nazi-Maruttaš, a deed celebrated in both an Assyrian epic composition and elsewhere in later literary tradition (Frazer 2013).”

• cites RIMA.0.99.2 9-10Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Frazer 2013 sourceSupported

May combine two claims.

Aššur-dān II's reign lasted more than two decades, and yet only some seven undated and geographically limited campaigns are recorded within his inscriptions.

“Aššur-dān II's reign lasted more than two decades, and yet only some seven undated and geographically limited campaigns are recorded within his inscriptions.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The historical portion of the Gula Temple Inscription (RIMA.0.99.2) is divided into a geographical summary (ll.23-38) of achievements prior to 901 and an annalistic section (ll.39-119) running from 901 to 894.

“Its historical portion is divided into two parts: The first is an unusual geographical summary (ll.23-38) of the king's achievements prior to 901 divided into multiple ruled sections culminating in the rebuilding of the city of Apku ('Abū Māryā, Iraq); the second is an extended annalistic section (ll.39-119) running from 901 to 894”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The only extended annalistic text of Tukultī-Ninurta II (RIMA.0.100.5 [+ KAL 3: 19-20]) is broken, providing a narrative only from late 887 to 885.

“The only extended annalistic text (RIMA.0.100.5 [+ KAL 3: 19-20]) is frustratingly broken, providing a narrative only from late 887 to 885.”

May combine two claims.

No rock reliefs or stelae of Adad-nārārī II have yet been found, nor do his inscriptions mention such activities.

“Certainly, no rock reliefs or stelae of Adad-nārārī II have yet been found, nor do his inscriptions mention such activities.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The opening of Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's reign is very well documented, providing consecutive annalistic accounts running to roughly 877.

“Akin to the end of Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign, the opening of Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's reign is very well documented, providing consecutive annalistic accounts running to roughly 877.”

May combine two claims.

The first attestation of impalement proper (ana zaqīpi zuqqupu) hails from Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's first regnal year (882) following Aḫi-yababa's usurpation at Sūru of Bīt-Ḫalupê, with further examples at Pitura (879), and Amēdu and Udu (866).

“In turn, the first attestation of impalement proper (i.e.ana zaqīpi zuqqupu) hails from Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's first regnal year (882) following Aḫi-yababa's aforementioned usurpation at Sūru of Bīt-Ḫalupê, with further examples occurring at Pitura (879), and Amēdu and Udu (866), these latter three in the Upper Tigris.47”

• cites [47]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Nirdun's fortified settlement of Uda was already a target during the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta II, with Bialasi of Bīt-Zamāni campaigning there on Assyria's behalf in late 877.

“Here, it should be noted that its fortified settlement of Uda was already a target during the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta II, with Bialasi of Bīt-Zamāni campaigning there on Assyria's behalf in late 877 (RIMA.0.100.5 6).”

• cites RIMA.0.100.5 6Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The first narrative of Side b. (ll.1'-10') concerns the flaying and execution of a leader at Ninūa, the mutilation of his men, and the destruction of his city.

“The first (ll.1'-10') is somewhat fragmentary, but concerns the flaying and execution of a leader at Ninūa, the mutilation of his men, and the destruction of his city.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Side a. of KAL 3: 56 is extremely fragmentary, with probably six different ruled sections.

“Side a. (probably obv.) is extremely fragmentary, with probably six different ruled sections (Figure 2).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

While Side b. of KAL 3: 56 is entirely intact, most of Side a. has been heavily damaged with long linear scratches made after the tablet had been baked.

“What is so exceptional about this tablet is that while Side b. is entirely intact (Figure 3), most of Side a. has been heavily damaged with long linear scratches made after the tablet had been baked (Figure 2).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

In a later section of the text, a rock relief of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I is mentioned, and a mountain range is crossed to reach Na'iri.

“Thereafter, in a new ruled section (ll.19'-25') which is quite broken, a rock relief of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I is mentioned, and a mountain range is crossed to reach Na'iri.”

May combine two claims.

The Assyrian king laid siege to Irbibu with a series of encircling forts, marched down the Ḫarmiš River, plundered adjacent settlements, and took the fortified city of Malḫāni.

“The Assyrian king lays siege to him with a series of encircling forts and marches down the Ḫarmiš River (Wādī al-Ǧaġǧaġ, Syria) plundering adjacent settlements, after which he takes the nearby fortified city of Malḫāni.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The first episode of Side a. (ll.1'-8') fragmentarily describes a campaign to a land possessing horses and a population referred to with the 'barbarian they' and contains the name 'Adad-nārārī' near its close.

“The first of Side a.'s episodes (ll.1'-8') fragmentarily describes a campaign to a land possessing horses and a population referred to with the 'barbarian they' and contains the name 'Adad-nārārī' near its close.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Barzania and Dikun and their surrounding region were attacked by the Assyrian king and plundered.

“In a briefer section (17'-18'), Barzania and Dikun and their surrounding region are attacked by the Assyrian king and plundered.”

May combine two claims.

KAL 3:48 mentions him only having caught a single elephant in a kippu-snare, not the five which he would bag in such a manner by 893.

“the text mentions him only having caught a single elephant in a kippu-snare (KAL 3: 48 [rev.]iv 3'), not the five which he would bag in such a manner by 893 (RIMA.0.99.2 125).”

• cites RIMA.0.99.2Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The only Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions presently recovered from Kaḫat were commissioned by Tukultī-Ninurta II for the construction of a palace there.

“In turn, as noted by Frahm, it is not insignificant that the only Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions presently recovered from Kaḫat were commissioned by Tukultī-Ninurta II for the construction of a palace there (RIMA.0.100.9).”

• cites RIMA.0.100.9Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's annals call his father Tukultī-Ninurta II 'he who defeated all of his enemies and fixed his foes' corpses to posts'.

“his annals call his father Tukultī-Ninurta II ša kullat zā'irīšu inerrūma ina gašīši urettû pagrī gērīšu "he who defeated all of his enemies and fixed his foes' corpses to posts".”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Side b. of KAL 3: 56 is far better preserved, presenting two longer narratives divided by a ruled line.

“Side b. is far better preserved, presenting two longer narratives divided by a ruled line.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Irbibu was a lord on the Upper Ḫābūr who refused to pay tribute and fortified his city with a moat.

“Irbibu, a lord on the Upper Ḫābūr, refuses to pay tribute and has fortified his city with a moat.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The king butchered 174 men, flayed 12, blinded and amputated the tongues of an unknown number, cut the throats of 153, and impaled 21 individuals associated with Irbibu.

“The king butchers 174 men, flays 12, blinds and amputates the tongues of an unknown number, cuts the throats of 153, and impales 21 particular individuals associated with Irbibu.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The Assyrian king marched forth, defeated the insurrectionists, looted their livestock, and brought prisoners back to Assyria.

“The Assyrian king marches forth and defeats the insurrectionists, looting their livestock and bringing prisoners back to Assyria.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

KAL 3:45-46 consists of two exemplars, A (= VAT 9752) and B (VAT 9782+10944).

“It consists of two exemplars, A (= VAT 9752) and B (VAT 9782+10944).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

KAL 3:48 appears to be more thematically focused on military expeditions, while RIMA.0.99.1 focuses more on aftermaths.

“Finally, KAL 3: 48 appears to be more thematically focused on military expeditions, while RIMA.0.99.1 focuses more on aftermaths.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Barzania was attacked again, its livestock plundered, and enemy soldiers beheaded and the area ravaged.

“There, Barzania is attacked once more, its livestock plundered, and enemy soldiers beheaded and the area generally ravaged.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The siege technique of encirclement with towers in the unattributed text mirrors that employed in KAL 3: 56.

“As noted, the siege technique of encirclement with towers mirrors that employed in KAL 3: 56.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

KAL 3:53 is of very similar ductus to KAL 3:47.

“this text is noted by him to be of very similar ductus to KAL 3: 47.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Similarity in ductus, phraseology, and orthography between inscriptions reliably indicates same authorship or date.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Aššur-bēl-kala's annals are the first to describe the displaying of a body from a post by an Assyrian.

“it might be noted that Aššur-bēl-kala's annals are the first to describe the displaying of a body from a post by an Assyrian (RIMA.0.89.2 iii 12').”

• cites RIMA.0.89.2 iii 12'Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The city of Tillê rebelled and moved forces to Kaḫat and another city whose name is lost.

“Finally, in lines 26'-31', the city of Tillê (likely Tall Rumaylān, Syria) rebels and moves forces to Kaḫat (Tall Barrī, Syria) and another city, the name of which is lost.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II's annals mention campaigning as far as the passes of Namri, also a Babylonian holding during this period.

“His annals mention campaigning as far as the passes of Namri, also a Babylonian holding during this period.”

May combine two claims.

In autumn 909, Adad-nārārī II attacked forty settlements on the Tigris and deported the populations of three, all seemingly belonging to a mountainous or pastoral polity.

“During this period, in the autumn of 909, he also attacked forty settlements on the Tigris and deported the populations of three, all seemingly belonging to a mountainous or pastoral polity, although it is unclear whether this occurred upstream or downstream of Assyria.66”

• cites [66]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The gruesome and precisely documented torture forming the text's most distinctive hallmark is entirely absent from Adad-nārārī II's royal inscriptions, where enemies are simply slain in heaps.

“In turn, and quite vitally, the gruesome and precisely documented torture forming the text's most distinctive hallmark (akin to KAL 3: 45-46, see above) is entirely absent from Adad-nārārī II's royal inscriptions, where enemies are simply slain in heaps.”

May combine two claims.

After a minor campaign to Ušḫu and Atkun, Adad-nārārī II launched what would seem to be a surprise offensive on Qumānû, attacking its capital Kipšūna and capturing its king, Ilūya, and enforcing vassalage upon the kingdom.

“after a minor campaign to Ušḫu and Atkun, perhaps as a first test of his abilities, Adad-nārārī II launched what would seem to be a surprise offensive on Qumānû, attacking its capital Kipšūna and capturing its king, Ilūya, and enforcing vassalage upon the kingdom.”

May combine two claims.

Naṣībīna was only defeated by Adad-nārārī II in 896, at which point its ruler Nūr-Adad was replaced with a docile new client king.

“This polity was only defeated by Adad-nārārī II in 896, at which point its ruler Nūr-Adad was replaced with a docile new client king as described in a colourful passage.53”

• cites [53]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The decisive moment of the war with Karduniaš was the resounding defeat of Marduk-mudammiq, who adopted a defensive position on Mount Yalman, and his pursuit to the River Turān (Diyālā), where he abandoned much of his equipment.

“the decisive moment was the resounding defeat of his adversary Marduk-mudammiq, who is stated by the Synchronistic Chronicle to have adopted a defensive position on Mount Yalman, and his pursuit of the Babylonian to the River Turān (Diyālā), where the latter appears to have abandoned much of his equipment (ABC 21 iii 1-7).”

• cites ABC 21 iii 1-7Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II followed these activities with a tribute-gathering march to Ḫanigalbat to announce his dominance and 'incorporate' it into Assyria's borders, and then a journey down the Middle Euphrates collecting further tithes.

“He followed these activities with a tribute-gathering march to Ḫanigalbat to announce his dominance and 'incorporate' it into Assyria's borders, and then a journey down the Middle Euphrates collecting further tithes.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The other defining moment of Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign was likely the defeat, capture, and subsequent flaying of Apâ, King of Ḫubuškia.

“The other defining moment of Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign was likely the defeat, capture, and subsequent flaying of Apâ, King of Ḫubuškia.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In 891, Adad-nārārī II passed away.

“Not all that long afterwards, in 891, he would pass away”

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II 'tidied up' along the western foothills of the Kāšiāru, re-established a presence at Ḫuzīrīna, and engaged in early diplomacy with Bīt-Adini.

“'tidied up' along the western foothills of the Kāšiāru, re-established a presence at Ḫuzīrīna, and engaged in early diplomacy with Bīt-Adini.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Apku was refurbished.

“and finally Apku's refurbishment”

May combine two claims.

The 886 campaign resulted in an agreement that Bīt-Zamāni would sell horses solely to Assyria, and close supervision of the polity.

“this resulted in an agreement that Bīt-Zamāni would sell horses solely to Assyria, and close supervision of the polity.”

May combine two claims.

In the intervening campaigns, Adad-nārārī II stormed and presumably provincialized Raqamātu/Gidāra.

“he stormed and presumably provincialized the former Assyrian holding of Raqamātu/Gidāra”

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II stopped before reaching Sūḫu, previously his tributary, the southernmost point rendering tribute being Ḫindānu.

“Curiously, he stopped before reaching Sūḫu, previously his tributary, the southernmost point rendering tribute being Ḫindānu (Abū Kamāl, Syria, RIMA.0.99.2 119).”

• cites RIMA.0.99.2 119Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

A peace accord was ultimately agreed upon, with the two men marrying each other's daughters and a border being set from Til-(Bīt-)Bāri to Til-ša-Abtāni and Til-ša-Zabdāni.

“marrying each other's daughters and a border being set from Til-(Bīt-)Bāri to Til-ša-Abtāni and Til-ša-Zabdāni.”

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II levied tribute from Sūḫu and harrowed Lāqê.

“the levying of tribute from Sūḫu and harrowing of Lāqê”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II improved communication between the Upper Tigris and the south by subjugating Nirdun and exploring new routes to the Upper Tigris basin, such as via the Karacadağ.

“Tukultī-Ninurta II's response was to improve communication between this region and the south by subjugating Nirdun (dispelling its control of the northern entrance to the Ṭūr 'Aḇdīn massif by the Savur Çayı) and exploring new routes to the Upper Tigris basin, such as via the Karacadağ.”

May combine two claims.

In 885, Tukultī-Ninurta II toured the Middle Euphrates collecting massive tribute from the flourishing trade emporia of the region, presumably stopping to inscribe the Tall 'Ašāra Stele, and also attacked the Itu'u.

“In 885, Tukultī-Ninurta II toured the Middle Euphrates collecting massive tribute from the flourishing trade emporia of the region (presumably stopping to inscribe the curious Tall 'Ašāra Stele), this also permitting him to attack the Itu'u”

May combine two claims.

On KAL 3: 56, the early campaigns and tribute collections on Side a. have been systematically scratched through with long lines well after the tablet was baked, while the more substantial and recent achievements on Side b. (the capture of Apâ of Ḫubuškia and the quelling of an uprising at Naṣībīna) are unscathed.

“the long litany of apparently inconsequential early campaigns and tribute collections found on Side a. of KAL 3: 56 have been systematically scratched through with long lines well after they had been baked, while the more substantial, impressive, and recent achievements of the capture of Apâ of Ḫubuškia and quelling of an uprising at Naṣībīna on Side b. are unscathed.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Written but three years later, RIMA.0.99.1 already omits Adad-nārārī II's somewhat minor first campaign to Ušḫu and Atkun and rather begins with the far more impressive defeat of Qumānû.

“Written but three years later, RIMA.0.99.1 already omits Adad-nārārī II's somewhat minor first campaign to Ušḫu and Atkun and rather begins with the far more impressive defeat of Qumānû.”

• cites RIMA.0.99.1Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The Itu'u attacked by Tukultī-Ninurta II are described simply as ša šitkunū eli Idiqlat, 'who were settled on the Tigris'.

“Note that the Itu'u attacked by Tukultī-Ninurta II are also described simply as ša šitkunū eli Idiqlat "who were settled on the Tigris" (RIMA.0.100.5 49-50).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The excised passage of Palilēreš' stele found at Tall ar-Rimāḥ remains largely legible despite being struck through.

“the present author can only otherwise think of the excised passage of Palilēreš' stele found at Tall ar-Rimāḥ (RIMA.0.104.7 13-21), which remain largely legible despite being struck-through.”

May combine two claims.

The previous ruler Ḫamatāya had given his two sisters as wives to Tukultī-Ninurta II only three years before, and Aššur-nāṣir-apli II would have inherited them.

“The previous ruler Ḫamatāya had given his two sisters as wives to Tukultī-Ninurta II only three years before (RIMA.0.100.5 101-02) and Aššur-nāṣir-apli II would have inherited them”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II married the sisters of Ḫamatāya, ruler of Sūru in Lāqê, ensuring Assyrian interests would be represented in the region.

“he cannily married the sisters of Ḫamatāya, ruler of the boomtown of Sūru in Lāqê (RIMA.0.100.5 101), ensuring that Assyrian interests would be represented in the region”

• cites RIMA.0.100.5 101Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The reverse of KAL 3: 15 is far more relaxed in its vertical and horizontal spacing and generous with its empty ruled spacings.

“The rev. of KAL 3: 15 is far more relaxed in its vertical and horizontal spacing and generous with its empty ruled spacings”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Adad-nārārī II states only that former kings had built at Apku.

“Adad-nārārī II is somewhat coy, stating only that former kings had built there (RIMA.0.99.2 36-38).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

KAL 3:48 presents a highly detailed description of the early conquests of Adad-nārārī II with a clear focus upon his military and venatory exploits.

“KAL 3: 48 presents a highly detailed description of the early conquests of Adadnārārī II with a clear focus upon his military and venatory exploits.”

• cites KAL 3: 48Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II himself did not create stelae outside of Assyria, and his son felt compelled to improvise such a monument while in Sirqu.

“Moreover, it intimates that Adad-nārārī II himself did not create stelae outside of Assyria, and his son felt compelled to improvise such a monument while in Sirqu.”

May combine two claims.

In KAL 3: 16-17, Kumme and Ḫanigalbat are mentioned in summary, thus postdating 894.

“In KAL 3: 16-17, not only are Kumme and Ḫanigalbat now mentioned in summary (thus postdating 894)”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II's march to Bīt-Zamāni from Ninūa began on the 1st Simānu (III), implying that it was carefully planned.

“Tukultī-Ninurta II's march to Bīt-Zamāni from Ninūa (Naynawā, Iraq) began on the 1st Simānu (III), a significant date also chosen by other kings to begin their campaigns (Frahm 2009b: 54), implying that it was carefully planned”

• cites Frahm 2009b: 54Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

KAL 3: 47 numbers campaigns whereas Aššur-dān II's annals do not, and the reference to a king does not fit his reign as his march on Katmuḫi was not presaged by campaigning into Na'iri.

“KAL 3: 47 numbers campaigns whereas Aššur-dān II's annals do not, and the reference to a king does not fit his reign as his march on Katmuḫi was not presaged by campaigning into Na'iri”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The scarceness of achievements by the close of Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign implies that they were consolidatory in nature.

“While the scarceness of achievements by his reign's close implies that they were consolidatory in nature”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Various innovations can be ascribed to Tukultī-Ninurta II, not least the 'calculated frightfulness' for which his son would become so (in)famous within Assyriology.

“Interestingly, various innovations can be ascribed to this latter king, not least the 'calculated frightfulness' for which his son would become so (in)famous within Assyriology.”

May combine two claims.

KAL 3: 48 describes the opening of a reign, contradicting the details of Aššur-dān II's accession from his extant annals, thus precluding its ascription to Aššur-dān II.

“KAL 3: 48 describes the opening of a reign, contradicting the details of Aššur-dān II's accession from his extant annals, thus precluding such an ascription”

May combine two claims.

The Synchronistic Chronicle reports the setting of the border at Til-Bāri at the close of Adad-nārārī II's reign, this lasting until the time of Salmānu-ašarēd III's intervention, and hence there is no change.

“The Synchronistic Chronicle reports the setting of the border at Til-Bāri at the close of Adad-nārārī II's reign, this lasting until the time of Salmānu-ašarēd III's intervention, and hence there is no change.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

It would be very strange that the defeat of a kingdom described as "expansive" would have escaped scribes' notice or have been redacted.

“it would be very strange that the defeat of a kingdom described as "expansive" (RIMA.0.99.2 24; KAL 3: 16-17 15'-16') would have escaped scribes' notice or have been redacted.”

• cites RIMA.0.99.2Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites KAL 3: 16-17Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The surviving corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions is sufficiently complete that the absence of a toponym or event from later kings' inscriptions indicates it was not recorded or did not occur.

May combine two claims.

The Ḫabḫu (2) beyond the Lower Zāb has become Inner Ḫabḫu in KAL 3: 16-17, demonstrating deeper penetration of the Zagros, which must correspond to the defeat of Sikkur and Sappānu in 896.

“In turn, the Ḫabḫu (2) beyond the Lower Zāb has now become Inner Ḫabḫu (l.14'), demonstrating deeper penetration of the Zagros, which must correspond to the defeat of Sikkur and Sappānu in 896 (RIMA.0.99.2 80-90).”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The initial decade of Adad-nārārī II's reign up to 901 (the 'pre-Apku' period) can only be understood schematically.

“While this provides detailed coverage of the second half of his reign, the initial decade of his reign up to 901 (the 'pre-Apku' period) can only be understood schematically.”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II dispatched a force from Ninūa to quell a rebellion while remaining at Ninūa, implying that he was still massing his troops for the assault on the Upper Tigris, which must have occurred shortly beforehand in the spring.

“that Tukultī-Ninurta II previously dispatched a force from Ninūa to quell a rebellion while remaining at Ninūa also implies that he was still in the process of massing his troops for the assault on the Upper Tigris, and thus that this must have occurred shortly beforehand in the spring.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Studies of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta II tend to emphasise its brevity and this ruler's continuation of his predecessor's policies.

“Studies of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta II tend to emphasise its brevity and this ruler's continuation of his predecessor's policies”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Aššur-dān II employed hunting as a propagandistic pastime in lieu of campaigning.

“it may well be that Aššurdān II employed such hunting as a propagandistic pastime in lieu of campaigning.”

May combine two claims.

Bīt-Zamāni's own campaigning must either have occurred very early in 886 or at the end of 887.

“it is hence likely that Bīt-Zamāni's own campaigning must either have occurred very early in 886 (thus giving Tukultī-Ninurta II sufficient time to marshal his forces), or at the end of 887.”

May combine two claims.

RIMA.0.98.1 hails from early in Aššur-dān II's reign as its eponym remains unattributed, but this is contradicted by the large numbers of animals mentioned within his hunting tally, implying a date well into his reign.

“While it could be argued that RIMA.0.98.1 (Aššur-dān II's only extended annalistic text) hails from early in his reign as its eponym remains unattributed, this is contradicted by the large numbers of animals mentioned within his hunting tally (see discussion of tallies below in respect to KAL 3: 48), including some 120 lions, 1600 wild bulls, and 56 elephants (RIMA.0.98.1 68-72) which must have”

May combine two claims.

The Ninūa copy of the geographical summary inscription is the most trustworthy, as the Qaḍīya exemplars contain some howlers.

“The Ninūa copy seems the most trustworthy, as the Qaḍīya exemplars contain some howlers”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The reigns of Adad-nārārī II and Tukultī-Ninurta II are crucial in understanding the beginnings of the rise of Neo-Assyria, but they suffer from a fragmentary state of documentation and scholarly negligence.

“The reigns of the early Neo-Assyrian kings Adad-nārārī II (911-891) and Tukultī-Ninurta II (890-884) are crucial in understanding the beginnings of this process, but they continue to suffer from a fragmentary state of documentation, and hence negligence on the part of scholars.”

May combine two claims.

KAL 3: 53's events overwhelmingly tally with those of Adad-nārārī II's reign, and it strongly resembles KAL 3: 47 in format and ductus.

“KAL 3: 53's events overwhelmingly tally with those of Adad-nārārī II's reign, and it strongly resembles KAL 3: 47 in format and ductus”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Adad-nārārī II's reign is generally characterised as a period of sweeping reconquest of Assyria's erstwhile territory.

“The reign of Adad-nārārī II is generally characterised as a period of sweeping reconquest of Assyria's erstwhile territory”

• cites Grayson 1982: 249-51 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Shibata 2023: 201-09 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Early Neo-Assyrian hunting reports were evidently running game tallies to which scribes would add following each royal hunting excursion and immortalise as such in the next royal inscription.

“early Neo-Assyrian hunting reports were evidently running game tallies to which scribes would add following each royal hunting excursion and immortalise as such in the next royal inscription”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Radner (2015) draws a distinction between impalement upon a stake (zaqīpu) and the post-mortem hanging of a body from a post (gašīšu), the former during sieges and the latter in the aftermath.

“with Radner (2015) drawing a distinction between impalement upon a stake (zaqīpu) and the post-mortem hanging of a body from a post (gašīšu), the former during sieges and the latter in the aftermath.”

• cites Radner (2015)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Aššur-nāṣir-apli II did not originate the practice of impalement; it already belonged to the Assyrian ruler's toolkit by his time, and his tower of pain elaborated on earlier practices.

“Unless he was a punitive prodigy, the complicatedness of this cruel edifice implies that Aššur-nāṣir-apli II did not originate this practice, but rather that it already belonged to the Assyrian ruler's 'frightfulnesstoolkit' by his time, and that his tower of pain had simply elaborated on earlier practices.”

May combine two claims.

The scratches on Side a. are strikings-through of lines, as the lines run carefully through the middle of signs, implying that whoever did this possessed literacy or familiarity with cuneiform writing.

“Scrutiny of the photograph included in the volume demonstrates that these are strikings-through of lines, as the lines run carefully through the middle of signs, implying that whoever did this possessed literacy, or at least some familiarity with cuneiform writing.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II seems to have been the first Neo-Assyrian king to have left rock inscriptions, a pursuit followed by his son and grandson.

“As previously discussed, Tukultī-Ninurta II seems to have been the first Neo-Assyrian king to have left rock inscriptions, a pursuit eagerly followed by his son and grandson.”

May combine two claims.

Katmuḫi was unceremoniously annexed to Assyria early in Adad-nārārī II's reign, albeit remaining a 'transitional case' well into Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's days.

“which was unceremoniously annexed to Assyria early in his reign (RIMA.0.99.2 26), albeit remaining a 'transitional case' well into Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's days.”

• cites RIMA.0.99.2Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

KAL 3:53 may in fact be from the same text as KAL 3:47.

“He suggests that it may in fact be from the same text, and, indeed the format, especially the rulings, supports this.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Similarity in ductus, phraseology, and orthography between inscriptions reliably indicates same authorship or date.

May combine two claims.

The Arrapḫa reference in KAL 3:53 would thus refer back to an earlier conquest within the same composition, and hence to Adad-nārārī II's reign.

“the Arrapḫa reference would thus refer back to an earlier conquest within the same composition, and hence to Adad-nārārī II's reign.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The surviving corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions is sufficiently complete that the absence of a toponym or event from later kings' inscriptions indicates it was not recorded or did not occur.

May combine two claims.

Arrapḫa had been conquered early in Adad-nārārī II's reign, and is not mentioned in the annals of any other king.

“More vitally, Arrapḫa had been conquered early in Adad-nārārī II's reign, and is not mentioned in the annals of any other king.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The surviving corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions is sufficiently complete that the absence of a toponym or event from later kings' inscriptions indicates it was not recorded or did not occur.

May combine two claims.

There is a wealth of information in the unattributed text that excludes both Aššur-nāṣir-apli II and Adad-nārārī II from consideration as its author.

“Certainly, there is a wealth of information which excludes both Aššur-nāṣir-apli II and Adad-nārārī II from consideration.”

May combine two claims.

The campaign in Side a. must have taken place in the Upper Tigris or Zagros due to the horses present as spoil, most likely the Upper Tigris.

“The campaign in question must have taken place in the Upper Tigris or Zagros due to the horses present as spoil, most likely the former.”

May combine two claims.

KAL 3:48 mirrors the apparently unprovoked conquest of RIMA.0.99.1 and implies that this was the first time that a Neo-Assyrian king had subdued Qumānû.

“Rather, this mirrors the apparently unprovoked conquest of RIMA.0.99.1 and implies that this was the first time that a Neo-Assyrian king had subdued this kingdom.”

• cites RIMA.0.99.1Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The only early Neo-Assyrian king to campaign so far into a mountainous region in winter was Adad-nārārī II, who marched to Ḫabḫu (3) and Meḫru on 4th Araḫsamnu (VIII) 909.

“the only early Neo-Assyrian king to campaign so far into a mountainous region in winter was Adad-nārārī II, who marched to Ḫabḫu (3) and Meḫru on 4th Araḫsamnu (VIII) 909.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

As Side b. is unscathed, its text was needed for some purpose, perhaps for recopying, while that of Side a. was of no further use.

“As Side b. is unscathed, the implication must be that its text was needed for some purpose, perhaps for recopying, while that of Side a. was of no further use.”

May combine two claims.

A recently identified group of three Assyrian rock inscriptions near Yağmur in the western flank of the Ṭūr 'Aḇdīn could correspond to the site mentioned in the text, with Panel 1 clearly from Tukultī-apil-ešarra I and Panels 2 and 3 early Neo-Assyrian in date.

“Indeed, a recently identified group of three Assyrian rock inscriptions near the village of Yağmur in the western flank of the Ṭūr 'Aḇdīn could correspond to the site mentioned in this text, with one of these (Panel 1) clearly from the reign of Tukultī-apil-ešarra I, and two other fragmentary examples (Panels 2 and 3) which must be early Neo-Assyrian in date (Genç and MacGinnis 2023).”

• cites Genç and MacGinnis 2023 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

If the city of Malḫāni was involved in the Irbibu insurrection, then Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's nonchalant jaunt past there in 879 would place this text's events earlier.

“should the city of Malḫāni have been involved in the Irbibu insurrection as the traces suggest, then Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's nonchalant jaunt past there in 879 would again place this text's events earlier.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

It is only come Frahm's edition that the text could be historically analysed in its fully preserved extent.

“As a result, it is only come Frahm's edition that the text could be historically analysed in its fully preserved extent.”

• cites FrahmNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī I cannot be discounted as the referent of the name Adad-nārārī in Side a., although his later namesake was much more active there and revered by his son.

“As Adad-nārārī I campaigned as far afield as Eluḫat (RIMA.0.77.1 8; 2 38), he cannot be discounted as the referent here, although his later namesake was much more active there and revered by his son, as discussed.”

• cites RIMA.0.77.1 8; 2 38Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Sūḫu may be discounted because it was only defeated at the end of Adad-nārārī II's reign, and Ilu-bāni/ibni would seem to have governed it from then on until his death early in the reign of Aššur-nāṣir-apli II.

“Sūḫu may be similarly discounted: It was only defeated at the end of Adad-nārārī II's reign, and Ilu-bāni/ibni would seem to have governed it from then on until his death early in the reign of Aššur-nāṣir-apli II.61”

• cites [61]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The Na'iri campaigns could also have reasonably occurred within the mid-900's.

“but these campaigns could also have reasonably occurred within the mid-900's.”

May combine two claims.

A good terminus ante quem is lent by the itinerary of Tukultī-Ninurta II's journey up the Greater Ḫābūr at the close of his largely peaceful Medioeuphratine campaign of 885; the monarch ceased collecting tribute after Šadikanni, implying that the series of settlements (including Naṣībīna) through which he passed thereafter on the way to Ḫuzīrīna were not vassals, but rather provincial centres.

“In turn, a good terminus ante quem is lent by the itinerary of Tukultī-Ninurta II's journey up the Greater Ḫābūr at the close of his largely peaceful Medioeuphratine campaign of 885; the monarch ceased collecting tribute after Šadikanni (Tall 'Aǧāǧa, Syria), implying that the series of settlements (including Naṣībīna) through which he passed thereafter on the way to Ḫuzīrīna (Sultantepe, Turkey)”

• cites RIMA.0.100.5 115-20Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

A brief window between late 893 and mid-to late 887 would be available for the Naṣībīna uprising, probably discounting Adad-nārārī II and Aššur-nāṣir-apli II.

“Were this to hold, then a brief window between late 893 and mid-to late 887 would be available for this uprising, probably discounting Adad-nārārī II and Aššur-nāṣir-apli II.”

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II's successful war with Karduniaš was the defining achievement of the period up to 901, leading him to style himself kāšid (māt) Karduniaš.

“Whether it occurred prior to or after late 909, his successful war with Karduniaš was the defining achievement of this period, leading him to style himself kāšid (māt) Karduniaš.”

May combine two claims.

The lack of any disturbance of the lucrative region of Lāqê between Adad-nārārī II's march of 894 and Tukultī-Ninurta II's visit of 885, during which it was in boom, and the very specific case of Aḫi-yababa, contradict the candidacy of Lāqê; none of Lāqê's emporia were destroyed during this period.

“what contradicts this is the lack of any disturbance of the lucrative region of Lāqê between Adad-nārārī II's march of 894 and Tukultī-Ninurta II's visit of 885, during which it was obviously in boom, and the very specific case of Aḫi-yababa who had killed Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's double brother-in-law by inherited marriage;foot_21 in turn, none of Lāqê's emporia were destroyed during this period.60”

• cites [60]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II's reign is marked by sweeping conquests, the two main targets of which were Karduniaš and Ḫanigalbat.

“Adad-nārārī II's reign is marked by sweeping conquests, the two main targets of which were Karduniaš and Ḫanigalbat.”

May combine two claims.

While Aššur-nāṣir-apli II also amputated the arms of captured soldiers and decapitated, flayed, impaled, and immured, the other brutalities meted out in KAL 3: 56 were not in his punitive inventory.

“While Aššurnāṣir-apli II also amputated the arms of captured soldiers and unabashedly decapitated, flayed, impaled, and even immured (RIMA.0.101.1 72), the other brutalities meted out here were not in his punitive inventory.”

• cites RIMA.0.101.1 72Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The appearance of the encirclement tactic in KAL 3: 56 without further comment implies that this tactic was no longer novel and must postdate 898 (and 893).

“That it appears here (KAL 3: 56 Side b. 18'-19') without further comment implies that this tactic was no longer novel and must postdate that year (and, indeed, 893).”

May combine two claims.

Despite Adad-nārārī II's continued activities in the Upper Ḫābūr, no mention is made of Naṣībīna up to the end of annalistic documentation in 893, presenting a reasonable terminus post quem for the revolt.

“Despite Adad-nārārī II's continued activities in the Upper Ḫābūr, no mention is made of the city up to the end of annalistic documentation in 893, presenting a reasonable terminus post quem for the revolt.”

May combine two claims.

It seems most likely that the six to seven campaigns of Side a. occurred very early in Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign, and that they were thereafter redacted on account of their inconsequentiality once this king had achieved greater things (such as the defeat of Apâ).

“Placing Side a.'s events prior to this, it seems most likely these six to seven campaigns occurred very early in Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign, and that they had thereafter been redacted on account of their inconsequentiality once this king had achieved greater things (such as the defeat of Apâ), a situation akin to that of Ušḫu and Atkun's deletion from the annals as early as 909 (see above).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

It is possible that Būbu's flaying was done simply 'pour encourager les autres', as the Assyrian demand for horses had become a crucial issue.

“it is possible that it was done simply "pour encourager les autres", 63 as the Assyrian demand for horses had become a crucial issue.64”

• cites [63]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites [64]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The Assyrian demand for horses had become a crucial issue.

May combine two claims.

The Assyrian garrison of Tukulti-Aššur-aṣbat at Arrakdi must have been established in this context, although it is unclear whether Adad-nārārī II or Tukultī-Ninurta II was responsible.

“It is in this context that the rather forlornly named Assyrian garrison of Tukulti-Aššur-aṣbat at Arrakdi (probably as-Sulaymānīya, Iraq, see Radner 2017) must have been established, although it is unclear whether Adad-nārārī II or Tukultī-Ninurta II was responsible, and it may well have been the latter.”

• cites Radner 2017 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

In the aftermath of the victory over Karduniaš, Assyria incorporated Lubdu and controlled a swathe of territory stretching as far south as Laḫīru (1).

“In the aftermath, Assyria had incorporated Lubdu (vicinity of the Ǧabal Ḥamrīn, Iraq) and controlled a swathe of territory stretching as far south as Laḫīru (1).67”

• cites [67]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

As Apâ's successors are termed 'King of Na'iri', the prominence of Ḫubuškia during this period is evident; Tukultī-Ninurta II would have truly earned the title kāšid (mātāt) Na'iri by authoring this sovereign's doom.

“As his successors are termed 'King of Na'iri' (perhaps a hereditary or hegemonic title among the royalty of the Taurus and Zagros), 62 the prominence of this kingdom during this period is evident; in turn, Tukultī-Ninurta II would have truly earned the title kāšid (mātāt) Na'iri by authoring this sovereign's doom.”

• cites [62]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The wake of this victory must have witnessed considerable 'mopping up', such as the re-incorporation of Idu and Zaqqu into Assyria.

“The wake of this victory must have witnessed considerable 'mopping up', such as the re-incorporation of Idu (Sātū Qalā, Iraq) and Zaqqu into Assyria.”

May combine two claims.

It would also have been the precondition for campaigning in Lullumê which ensued, as Assyria's new north-eastern flank now lay open.

“It would also have been the precondition for campaigning in Lullumê which ensued, as Assyria's new north-eastern flank now lay open.68”

• cites [68]Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

This aggressive strategy from the very outset could only have been enabled by a military and populace reinvigorated after the deprivations of the previous decades, and Aššurdān II's reign must have been responsible for this reflorescence.

“This aggressive strategy from the very outset could only have been enabled by a military and populace reinvigorated after the deprivations of the previous decades, and it must be assumed that Aššurdān II's reign had been responsible for this reflorescence.”

May combine two claims.

In the aftermath of this event, Adad-nārārī II may have undertaken a dramatic foray southwards to Dēru, which may have been a propagandistic pilgrimage rather than a military operation.

“It may well be in the aftermath of this event that Adad-nārārī II undertook his dramatic foray southwards to Dēru (Tall al-'Aqar, Iraq); in light of the religious significance of this city (Frahm 2009a) and the impermanence implied by kašādu, this may well have been a propagandistic pilgrimage (akin to Kumme) rather than a military operation.”

• cites Frahm 2009aNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The central aim of the Ḫanigalbat campaigns was the defeat of Naṣībīna, which would win Assyria hegemony over the region.

“Their central aim was the defeat of Naṣībīna, which would win Assyria hegemony over the region.”

May combine two claims.

The political manoeuvring was probably more complex than just the peace accord, with Laḫīru (1) perhaps returned to Babylonia's orbit, Lubdu permitted some autonomy, and Karduniaš' protection of Sūḫu revoked for the time being.

“The political manoeuvring was probably more complex than just this, with Laḫīru (1) (likely 'Askī Kifrī, Iraq) perhaps returned to Babylonia's orbit, 75 Lubdu permitted some autonomy, 76 and Karduniaš' protection of Sūḫu revoked for the time being.”

May combine two claims.

The last Na'iri campaign ended with Adad-nārārī II's return through the Kāšiāru, his objectives apparently fulfilled.

“and then his return through the Kāšiāru, his objectives apparently fulfilled.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Adad-nārārī II was unable for whatever reason to truly press his advantage.

“Certainly, Adad-nārārī II was unable for whatever reason to truly press his advantage”

May combine two claims.

The issue of the Upper Tigris was satisfactorily resolved after the 886 campaign, as Tukultī-Ninurta II's remaining campaigns were devoted to other regions.

“With this, it seems that the issue of the Upper Tigris was satisfactorily resolved, as his remaining campaigns were devoted to other regions.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The reign of Adad-nārārī II represented a remarkable shift in Assyria's fortunes from scarce more than a recovering Transtigridian kingdom to a leading state within the Near East.

“In sum, the reign of Adad-nārārī II represented a remarkable shift in Assyria's fortunes from scarce more than a recovering Transtigridian kingdom to a leading state within the Near East.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

All external threats to Assyria were removed before the advent of the Ḫanigalbat campaigns.

“and all external threats to Assyria removed before their advent.”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II's reign is patterned by an energetic consolidation of Adad-nārārī II's achievements and some further successes, with no direct territorial expansion.

“his reign is patterned by an energetic consolidation of Adad-nārārī II's achievements and some further successes, albeit no direct territorial expansion seems to have occurred.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

While not breaking the decade's truce between Babylonia and Assyria, the tour was a remarkable demonstration of Assyrian might.

“While not breaking the decade's truce between Babylonia and Assyria, it was a remarkable demonstration of Assyrian might.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The Synchronistic King List notes Tukultī-Ninurta II's scholarly advisor as one Gabbuilāni-ēreš, who was retained by Aššur-nāṣir-apli II, and would be an ancestor of the famous scribe Nabû-zuqup-kēnu.

“the Synchronistic King List notes Tukultī-Ninurta II's scholarly advisor as one Gabbuilāni-ēreš, 94 who was retained by Aššur-nāṣir-apli II, and would be an ancestor of the famous scribe Nabû-zuqup-kēnu.”

• cites Synchronistic King List, iii 16-17Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Frahm 1999, 2011: 265-67Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Baker and Pearce 2001Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II seems to have left Tukultī-Ninurta II an Assyrian garrison in the Upper Tigris, presumably at Damdammusa, and probably an uneasy alliance with the local relict Assyrians of Ḫalziluḫa.

“Adad-nārārī II seems to have left him an Assyrian garrison in the Upper Tigris (presumably Damdammusa) 89 and probably an uneasy alliance with the local relict Assyrians of”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II's eight-year incumbency likely began at a mature age, rendering it a 'sandwich reign'.

“it is likely that Tukultī-Ninurta II's eight-year incumbency began at something of a mature age, rendering it a 'sandwich reign'.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The absence of Nabû-šuma-ukīn or any other Babylonian sovereign in this narrative may indicate that the king of Karduniaš had died and his successor Nabû-apla-iddina had not yet been crowned, leaving a power vacuum for Tukultī-Ninurta II to exploit.

“it may well be that the king of Karduniaš had died and his successor Nabû-apla-iddina had not yet been crowned, leaving a power vacuum for Tukultī-Ninurta II to exploit.”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II considered his efforts in Na'iri his central achievement, comparable to his father's Babylonian doings.

“From the epithet kāšid (mātāt) Na'iri "victor over (the lands of) Na'iri" with which his surviving summary inscriptions begin, it seems that Tukultī-Ninurta II considered his efforts in this region his central achievement, comparable to his father's Babylonian doings.”

May combine two claims.

Šamaš-mudammiq of Karduniaš had died and Nabû-šuma-ukīn had acceded to the Babylonian throne.

“Šamaš-mudammiq of Karduniaš had died and Nabû-šuma-ukīn had acceded to the Babylonian throne.”

• cites ABC 21 iii 8-21Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II's route took him through 'allied' Babylonian territory so as to approach Sūḫu from the south, an act of calculated political brinksmanship.

“The genius of his route was that it took him through 'allied' Babylonian territory so as to approach Sūḫu from the south, an act of calculated political brinksmanship.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Adad-nārārī II may well have suffered from poor health following his Medioeuphratine campaign of 894 or his many years of relentless campaigning had begun to take a toll upon him.

“he may well have suffered from poor health following his Medioeuphratine campaign of 894 or his many years of relentless campaigning had begun to take a toll upon him.”

May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II's visit to Karduniaš may also have provoked his employing of an ummânu, apparently the first time an Assyrian king had done so since Tukultī-Ninurta I.

“Yet, his visit to Karduniaš may also have provoked his employing of an ummânu, apparently the first time that an Assyrian king had done so since Tukultī-Ninurta I”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The flaying of Apâ may have been to intimidate the remaining horse breeding and dealing polities of the northern Zagros to render tribute and do business on Tukultī-Ninurta II's own terms.

“As suggested, this may have been to intimidate the remaining horse breeding and dealing polities of the northern Zagros to render tribute and do business on his own terms.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing).

Features such as the running game tallies may point to other dynamic processes in the updating of these historical texts.

“However, features such as the running game tallies may well point to other dynamic processes in the updating of these historical texts.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S1 (asserted). May combine two claims.

Tukultī-Ninurta II reworked his very early, unglamorous campaigning into an entirely new narrative, or deleted it entirely, as Adad-nārārī II had done for Ušḫu and Atkun.

“It was time to rework his very early, unglamorous campaigning into an entirely new narrative, or to delete it entirely as Adad-nārārī II had for Ušḫu and Atkunquite literally Strich drunter!”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

A similar situation appears to have occurred after Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's failed siege of Amēdu, after which the Assyrian king attacked the polity of Udu quite without provocation.

“A similar situation appears to have occurred following Aššur-nāṣir-apli II's failed siege of Amēdu, after which the Assyrian king attacked the polity of Udu quite without provocation (RIMA.0.101.1 iii 104-13).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Usia could share a common etymology with Lusia in the māt masenni.

“meaning that Usia could well share a common etymology with Lusia in the māt masenni(Bagg 2017: 377).”

• cites Bagg 2017: 377Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

This recension could well date to even later, i.e. 884.

“As such, this recension could well date to even later, i.e. 884.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Hurrian personal names within Arrapḫa declined remarkably between the second and first millennia BC, with a great deal of West Semitic and Akkadian-West Semitic names.

“Zadok (1995: 27) has noted the remarkable decline in Hurrian personal names within Arrapḫa between the second and first millennia BC, and the great deal of West Semitic and Akkadian-West Semitic names.”

• cites Zadok (1995: 27)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Pongratz-Leisten (2011) and Kühne (2017) have pointed to examples of Hurrian culture and belief in the region, supporting the notion that some Hurrian influence may have been at work in the area's toponymy.

“Pongratz-Leisten (2011) andKühne (2017) have recently pointed to interesting examples of Hurrian culture and belief in the region, supporting the notion that some Hurrian influence may have been at work in the area's toponymy.”

• cites Pongratz-Leisten (2011)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Kühne (2017) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The sense of the passages is apparently contradictory.

“Nonetheless, the sense of the passages is apparently contradictory (despite the strange wording of RIMA.0.99.2 35).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The similar endings of the settlements of (Al)lapsia and Irsia may imply a shared linguistic heritage.

“Note the similar endings of the settlements of (Al)lapsia and Irsia found in this range, perhaps implying a shared linguistic heritage.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The space available in KAL 3: 15 is enough for a few very minor campaigns or two important ones.

“This is enough for a few very minor campaigns or two important ones.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Structuralist, statistical and narratological methodologies all necessitate uniformities and homogeneities that might be undermined as the true diversity of early Neo-Assyrian inscriptions becomes apparent.

“Structuralist methodologies and inventories aimed at cracking an annalistic 'code' and, more recently, statistical and narratological investigations all necessitate uniformities and homogeneities which might come to be undermined as the true diversity of early Neo-Assyrian inscriptions becomes apparent.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The usurpation was an affront to the Assyrian royal house.

“rendering the usurpation an affront to the Assyrian royal house.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing).

There must have been a clear intention in the creation of the long, scratched lines on KAL 3: 56.

“there must rather have been a clear intention in the creation long, scratched lines.”