Public Policy in a Time of Crisis: A Framework for Evaluating Canada’s COVID-19 Income Support Programs

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The framework builds on the long-standing industrial relations concern with advancing efficiency and equity in labour markets.

“Our framework is premised on the long-standing normative concern in industrial relations with advancing efficiency and equity in labour markets (Barbash 1987; Budd, Gomez, and Meltz 2004).”

• cites Barbash 1987 sourceSupported
  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured
• cites Budd, Gomez, and Meltz 2004Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Inequality of bargaining power leads to less equitable outcomes for workers.

“IR scholars have argued that inequality of bargaining power leads to less equitable outcomes for workers (Barbash 1987; Budd 2004; Webb and Webb 1897).”

• cites Barbash 1987 sourceSupported
• cites Budd 2004Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Webb and Webb 1897Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

CERB was an improvement over EI in availability and adequacy of benefits, particularly for low-income workers, and relied on a less onerous "trust, but verify" application process.

“In terms of a crisis support program, CERB was an improvement over EI in that it was more generous in terms of the availability and adequacy of benefits, particularly for low-income workers (Robson 2020a), and it relied on a less onerous “trust, but verify” application process (Robson 2020b).”

• cites Robson 2020a sourceSupported
• cites Robson 2020b sourceSupported

May combine two claims.

Concerns about work disincentives, especially during a deadly pandemic, come from deeply embedded neoclassical assumptions that work is a disutility and that people facing zero wages will always prefer leisure.

“We attribute these concerns about work disincentives, particularly during a deadly pandemic, as arising from deeply embedded neoclassical assumptions about work as a disutility—that is, work as a “necessary curse” that assumes people facing zero wages will always prefer leisure to work (Budd 2011; see also Kaplan and Schulhofer-Wohl 2018).”

• cites Budd 2011 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Kaplan and Schulhofer-Wohl 2018 sourcePartly supported

  In “A2. Controlling for Individual Fixed Effects” (page unavailable), the paper reports lower happiness and higher stress during work than during non-work activities, which lends some support to describing work as a disutility. The passages do not establish that people facing zero wages will always prefer leisure, or that work-disincentive concerns arise from neoclassical assumptions. The pandemic framing is the citing authors’ own application. (LLM, conf=0.76)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

May combine two claims.

The estimated cost of the TBI alone is $7.7 billion per month, totaling $53.9 billion over seven four-week periods.

“The estimated cost of the TBI alone is $7.7 billion per month (over seven four-week periods, this would have a total cost of $53.9 billion).”

May combine two claims.

The proposed program costs substantially less at $96.3 billion than either the UBI ($400 billion) or the government's mix of crisis supports ($164 billion).

“Our proposed program thus costs substantially less at $96.3 billion than either the UBI ($400 billion) or the government’s mix of crisis supports ($164 billion).”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Assuming each CERB applicant received full EI benefits for all seven months, the total cost of the EI component of the proposal is $42.7 billion.

“Assuming each CERB applicant received full EI benefits for all seven months, the total cost of the EI component of our proposal is $42.7 billion.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Each CERB applicant received full EI benefits for all seven months.

May combine two claims.

A targeted basic income combined with Employment Insurance would have given low-income workers the freedom to choose their preferred COVID-19 exposure level, the ability to raise safety concerns with employers, or both, serving the voice objective.

“given low-income workers the freedom to choose their preferred level of exposure to COVID-19, the ability to raise concerns about safety with their employers, or both (voice)”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets are imperfect, which creates unequal bargaining power, especially for workers with the lowest incomes.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour is embodied in people and ought not to be treated as a commodity.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets seldom adjust without frictions and are not close to perfectly competitive.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets tend to move away from competitive structures and toward monopsonistic competition, harming worker equity and voice, especially for the lowest-income workers.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Work gives more than monetary rewards because it meets psychological and social needs, and a realistic welfare analysis must consider the nature of work and workers' lives.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Mainstream economic models treat work as a bad rather than a good and assume that most people will choose leisure over work when there is no wage for working.

“In mainstream economic models, work is viewed as a “bad,” not a “good,” and most people, in the absence of a cost for leisure (i.e., a wage for work), will prefer leisure to work.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The public health goals required keeping as many people at home as possible except for essential activities and giving all workers the chance to choose not to work outside the home based on their own risk assessment and employer safety precautions.

“required (a) having as many people as possible remain at home except to undertake essential activities and (b) providing all workers with an opportunity to choose not to work outside the home”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The stated public health goals included flattening the epidemic curve, lowering hospitalizations, and protecting vulnerable populations.

May combine two claims.

That assumption rests on narrow views of labour markets and human motivation and, in normal times, leads to too much emphasis on reducing perceived work disincentives in labour and social policy.

“This basic assumption is premised on restrictive ideas about the operation of labour markets and human motivation, which in normal times results in a disproportionate focus on the mitigation of perceived work disincentives in both labour and social policy design.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

A targeted basic income would have been more effective at achieving the stated public health objectives.

“A targeted basic income would also have been more effective at achieving stated public health objectives.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The stated public health goals included flattening the epidemic curve, lowering hospitalizations, and protecting vulnerable populations.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Designing new COVID-19 income supports to balance efficiency with equity and voice for workers would have achieved the stated public health goals more effectively and fairly.

“Most important, a focus on balancing efficiency concerns with equity and voice for workers in the design of new COVID-19 income supports would have more effectively (and fairly) achieved stated public health goals.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The stated public health goals included flattening the epidemic curve, lowering hospitalizations, and protecting vulnerable populations.

May combine two claims.

Concerns about work disincentives rest on restrictive assumptions about work and caused crisis support policies to be designed suboptimally.

“We propose that these concerns about work disincentives are embedded in restrictive assumptions about work and led to suboptimal design of crisis support policies.”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets are imperfect, which creates unequal bargaining power, especially for workers with the lowest incomes.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour is embodied in people and ought not to be treated as a commodity.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets seldom adjust without frictions and are not close to perfectly competitive.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets tend to move away from competitive structures and toward monopsonistic competition, harming worker equity and voice, especially for the lowest-income workers.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Work gives more than monetary rewards because it meets psychological and social needs, and a realistic welfare analysis must consider the nature of work and workers' lives.

May combine two claims.

A targeted basic income combined with Employment Insurance would have resolved Employment Insurance accessibility problems for low-income workers and acted as a natural income top-up for low-income essential workers earning under $22,000, serving the equity objective.

“resolved the issues of EI accessibility for low-income workers and served as a natural income “top-up” for low-income essential workers making less than $22,000 (equity)”

• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets are imperfect, which creates unequal bargaining power, especially for workers with the lowest incomes.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour is embodied in people and ought not to be treated as a commodity.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets seldom adjust without frictions and are not close to perfectly competitive.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Labour markets tend to move away from competitive structures and toward monopsonistic competition, harming worker equity and voice, especially for the lowest-income workers.
• AssumptionThe authors state this as an assumption: Work gives more than monetary rewards because it meets psychological and social needs, and a realistic welfare analysis must consider the nature of work and workers' lives.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Contemporary industrial relations scholarship argues that voice must be added to the equity-efficiency framework.

“contemporary IR scholarship argues for the vital addition of voice to the equity–efficiency framework (Budd 2004, 23).”

• cites Budd 2004Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

The 90 percent of Canadians who file taxes could update their bank and mailing address information with the CRA, and those who had not previously filed could do so to become eligible for the benefit.

“However, the 90 percent of Canadians who do file taxes could theoretically update their bank and mailing address information with the Canada Revenue Agency (CRA), and those who had not previously filed their taxes could do so if they wanted to be eligible for the benefit.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In the modelling, the $1,000 transfer is provided to all self-employed workers regardless of their earnings.

“in our modelling we also provide the $1,000 transfer to all self-employed workers regardless of their earnings.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Self-employed workers voluntarily opt in to EI benefits, and many may not do so.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Distributing a crisis UBI through the tax system would have been relatively quick and efficient, but it would have cost $57 billion per month.

“Boessenkool (2020) argues that distributing a crisis UBI through the tax system would have been relatively quick and efficient, although it would have come at a high cost: $57 billion per month.”

• cites Boessenkool 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

A basic income would not have required extensive post-crisis auditing of CERB and CEWS claims, nor the creation of the CRB to eliminate the criticized work disincentives in the CERB design.

“Moreover, it would not have required extensive auditing of CERB and CEWS claims post-crisis, nor the creation of the CRB to eliminate the highly criticized work disincentives within the CERB design.”

May combine two claims.

This view also explains why the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy was introduced to encourage employer attachment and why the Canada Emergency Response Benefit was temporary with time-limited benefits tied to a recent labour market participation threshold.

“This, we propose, is also why the CEWS was introduced to facilitate labour attachment to employers and why the flagship crisis worker support program, the CERB, was introduced as a temporary program with time-limited benefits linked to a recent threshold level of participation in the labour market.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The degree of bargaining power inequality varies across workers, and low-skilled, less-educated, or bottom-earnings workers generally have much less bargaining power than higher-income or more-educated workers.

“However, the extent of inequality in bargaining power is heterogeneous across workers. Workers who are low skilled, less educated, or in the bottom of the earnings distribution will generally have significantly less bargaining power than their higher-income or more-educated counterparts”

May combine two claims.

Over the seven-month period, the GST-C, CCB, and OAS-GIS top-ups are estimated to cost about $10 billion in total, the CESB $2.9 billion, and the CERB $76.7 billion.

“over the seven-month period, the GST-C, CCB, and OAS–GIS top-ups are estimated to cost approximately $10 billion in total; the CESB is estimated at $2.9 billion and the CERB at $76.7 billion.”

• cites Office of the Parliamentary Budget Officer 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The UBI was proposed as taxable income, which would reduce its program cost.

“The first caveat is that the UBI was proposed as taxable income, which would reduce the program cost”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The standard economic model assumes workers trade off consumption and leisure, so government benefits unambiguously reduce labour supply because workers use them to buy more leisure, the income effect.

“The standard economic model assumes that workers make trade-offs between consumption and leisure, such that government benefits will unambiguously reduce labour supply because workers will use them to purchase more leisure (i.e., the “income effect”).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Embedded in that stabilization objective are assumptions that work is a "bad" and that workers prefer leisure over market work.

“Embedded in this labour market stabilization and efficiency objective are assumptions about work as a “bad” and workers’ related preferences for leisure over market-based work.”

May combine two claims.

The cost of the CEWS from March to October is difficult to estimate, but its 2020/21 fiscal year cost is estimated at $74 billion.

“Although it is more difficult to estimate the cost of the CEWS from March to October, the 2020/21 fiscal year cost is estimated to be $74 billion.”

• cites Office of the Parliamentary Budget Officer 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

This view of work is the main reason macroeconomic support for unemployed people is seen through labour market stabilization and efficiency rather than income support, and why work disincentive concerns are central in microeconomists' debates about employment insurance and social assistance design.

“This view of work, we argue, is the primary reason why macroeconomic support for unemployed persons is viewed through the lens of labour market stabilization and efficiency rather than income support and why concerns about work disincentives are central in debates among microeconomists about the design of both employment insurance and social assistance programs.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Public health guidance encouraged everyone who could stay at home to do so.

“One reason is that public health guidance was focused on encouraging everyone who could stay at home to do so.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Without the CEWS, more people might have relied on EI, increasing the cost of the TBI-EI program, but the CEWS will require more substantial post-crisis auditing.

“if the CEWS had not existed, more people may have had to rely on EI, increasing the cost of our TBI–EI program; however, the CEWS will require more substantial post-crisis auditing.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Labour market frictions come from forces such as mobility costs, job search costs, asymmetric information, segmented markets, lack of household savings, and excess labour supply.

“Labour market frictions stem from myriad forces particular to labour (Rees 1993), such as mobility costs, positive job search costs, asymmetric information, segmented markets, lack of household savings, and excess labour supply.”

• cites Rees 1993 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The EI cost under the proposal is difficult to estimate, so the number of CERB applications by federal income tax brackets was used to calculate the potential EI cost.

“The cost of EI under this proposal is difficult to estimate, but we use the number of CERB applications by federal income tax brackets to calculate what the EI cost might have been under our proposal.”

May combine two claims.

A substantially higher tax rate on UBI benefits would be needed to bring the net cost below the TBI-EI program, and CERB program costs also exclude post-crisis auditing costs.

“It would take a substantially higher tax rate on UBI benefits to place the net cost below the TBI–EI program, and the CERB program costs also do not take into account the post-crisis auditing costs.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

CERB and CEWS place primary emphasis on the efficiency objective of labour market stabilization.

“As with EI, these programs place primary emphasis on the efficiency objective of labour market stabilization.”

May combine two claims.

The CERB-CEWS programs did not exist before the crisis, and there is no reason to believe a basic income would have required more up-front time investment.

“However, the flagship CERB–CEWS programs implemented by the federal government also did not exist before the crisis, and there is no reason to believe that a basic income would have required any more up-front investment of time.”

May combine two claims.

The CERB required all eligible individuals to apply through the CRA or Service Canada, and because CERB is taxable, recipients who had not previously filed taxes would still need to file in the subsequent year.

“The CERB also required all eligible individuals to apply for benefits through either the CRA or Service Canada, and CERB is a taxable benefit, so recipients who have not previously filed taxes would still be required to do so in the subsequent year.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The assumption that work is a "bad" predicts that an unconditional government transfer would reduce labour supply for beneficiaries.

“This assumption leads to a prediction that the introduction of an unconditional government transfer would reduce labour supply for beneficiaries—that is, the income effect in basic labour supply models.”

May combine two claims.

CERB eligibility restrictions prevent workers who quit their jobs or earned less than $5,000 from accessing support and do not give them the freedom to choose whether to continue working during a period of high risk of exposing themselves and their families to a potentially fatal virus.

“The effect of these eligibility restrictions is that they do not allow these workers to access support, nor do they give them the freedom to choose whether to continue working during a time when there is a high risk of exposing oneself (and one’s family) to a potentially fatal virus.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: CERB was officially not available to workers who quit their jobs or earned less than $5,000 in the previous year.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

It is difficult to justify denying supports to those who did not lose jobs or income when many low-income essential workers bear the greatest risk of COVID-19 exposure on the job.

“This, however, is difficult to justify when many low-income essential workers (e.g., grocery store clerks, food production workers, and personal support workers) bear the greatest risk of COVID-19 exposure on the job because they are less likely to be able to perform their jobs from home and are more likely to work in public-facing roles (Lu 2020).”

• cites Lu 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Low socio-economic status lowers the reservation wage and therefore the equilibrium wage for historically disadvantaged workers.

“Low socio-economic status results in a lower reservation wage and thus a lower equilibrium wage rate for historically disadvantaged workers (Gomez and Lamb 2016; Kaufman 2013)”

• cites Gomez and Lamb 2016Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Kaufman 2013 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

During the COVID-19 crisis, various groups including politicians, academics, pundits, non-profit organizations, and individual citizens voiced support for introducing some form of basic income program.

“During the COVID-19 crisis, politicians (McCullough 2020), academics (Pohler et al. 2020), pundits (Boessenkool 2020), non-profit organizations (UBI Works n.d.), and individual citizens (Monsebraaten 2020) voiced support for the introduction of some form of a basic income program.”

• cites McCullough 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Pohler et al. 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Boessenkool 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Some individuals would be missed using tax files due to changes in banking and address information and because about 10 percent of Canadians do not file taxes.

“Another critique of the basic income proposal is that some individuals would be missed using tax files as a result of changes in banking and address information and because approximately 10 percent of Canadians do not file taxes (Robson and Schwartz 2020).”

• cites Robson and Schwartz 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Imperfect markets create unequal bargaining power between employees and employers, usually in favour of employers.

“In other words, imperfect markets result in unequal bargaining power between employees and employers that usually favours the latter (Budd et al. 2004; Manning 2003).”

• cites Budd et al. 2004Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Manning 2003Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Crisis programs that are closely tied to labour market participation can be more administratively complex and costly to implement quickly or audit after the crisis, and they can delay healthy structural economic adjustments that may be inevitable after a pandemic.

“Inefficiencies also arise because crisis programs too closely linked to labour market participation may be more administratively complex and costly to implement quickly or to audit post-crisis, and they can stall healthy structural economic adjustments that may be inevitable post-pandemic.”

May combine two claims.

The TBI proposal distributes emergency cash transfers through the tax system, providing non-taxable payments of $1,000 per month to low-income workers aged 15 or older who earned between $0.01 and $22,000 in 2019 and filed taxes.

“Our TBI proposal similarly relies on distributing emergency cash transfers through the tax system, but rather than complete universality, direct cash payments of $1,000 per month (non-taxable) would be targeted toward low-income workers (aged 15 y or older) who earned between $0.01 and $22,000 in 201911 and who filed taxes.”

• cites Pohler et al. 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Because the CERB provides $2,000 a month regardless of actual need, it is relatively blunt, and the vertical equity critique applies to it as well.

“Because the CERB provides $2,000 a month to recipients regardless of their actual need, that program is also relatively blunt and so Cameron and Petit’s vertical equity critique applies to the CERB as well.”

• cites Cameron and Petit 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: CERB provides $2,000 a month to recipients regardless of their actual need.

May combine two claims.

Evidence for substitution effects of government cash transfers usually comes from sharp cutoffs or high clawback rates and does not directly show that work itself provides disutility.

“Although there is plenty of evidence for the substitution effects of government cash transfers in the labour supply literature (i.e., work disincentives created via benefit clawback rates), these are usually the result of very sharp cutoffs or extremely high clawback rates that make people financially worse off when they choose to work and do not provide any direct evidence that work itself provid”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

In neoclassical theory, competitive labour markets clear at an equilibrium wage and produce efficient and equitable outcomes.

“At this equilibrium wage rate, when every individual who wants to work at that rate is able to, the labour market has “cleared.” The invisible hand of the market achieves an efficient outcome”

May combine two claims.

The TBI proposal explicitly prioritizes vertical equity during the crisis because not everyone who lost their job needed emergency income support.

“our TBI proposal explicitly prioritizes vertical equity during the crisis, because not everyone who lost their job was in need of emergency income support.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Not everyone who lost their job was in need of emergency income support.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Considerable concern has been raised about possible fraud and gaming in Canada Emergency Response Benefit applications and about work-disincentive effects as the economy reopened in summer 2020.

“It is also why considerable concern has been raised about potential fraud and gaming in applications for the CERB, as well as the work-disincentive effects of CERB payments as the economy reopened over summer 2020 (e.g., Cross 2020).”

• cites Cross 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Administrative inefficiency can come from complex eligibility rules, many government staff needed to run and audit a program, or many organizations and intermediaries involved in delivering benefits.

“Administrative inefficiency can arise from various features of a program such as complex eligibility criteria; the need for many government workers to design, administer, and audit a program; or the involvement of numerous organizations or intermediaries in delivery of program resources.”

May combine two claims.

A basic income may have been more efficient in the long run by more directly addressing EI's limitations, particularly its inaccessibility for many low-income and self-employed workers, and by introducing fewer programs than were ultimately implemented.

“Indeed, it may even have been more efficient in the long run: it would have more directly addressed the limitations of EI (particularly its inaccessibility for many low-income and self-employed workers) by introducing a much smaller number of programs than were ultimately implemented (see Table 2).”

May combine two claims.

This may have created inequities for workers earning more than $22,000, similar to CERB critiques, because EI does not provide benefits to those who voluntarily quit.

“This may arguably have created some inequities for workers making more than $22,000, similar to the critiques we outlined for CERB, because EI does not provide benefits to those who voluntarily quit their jobs.”

May combine two claims.

Direct cash transfers such as the CCB, OAS-GIS, and GST-C were administratively efficient and may have helped address CERB limitations for workers earning less than $5,000, but are evaluated less favorably on equity or voice because they are not well targeted to low-income workers, who were more likely to lose jobs and less likely to work from home.

“Direct cash transfers such as the CCB, OAS–GIS, and the GST-C were administratively efficient and perhaps helped to address the limitations of the CERB for workers making less than $5,000, but are evaluated less favorably in terms of equity or voice because they are not well targeted to low-income workers—a group that was both more likely to lose their jobs and less likely to be able to work from”

• cites Koebel and Pohler 2020 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

Concerns about work disincentives are largely misplaced because they rest on mixed empirical support and a restrictive understanding of what motivates people to work.

“One of the goals of this article was to highlight why concerns about work disincentives are largely misplaced, because they are built on mixed empirical support and a restrictive understanding of what motivates people to work.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Policy-makers could use this analysis to design institutions and programs that achieve other desired mixes of efficiency, equity, and voice.

“policy-makers could similarly use this analysis to design institutions and programs that achieve other desired mixes of efficiency, equity, and voice.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Policy choices during the pandemic generated strong debates, even though criteria for evaluating and comparing worker support programs were largely incomplete.

“Policy choices made during the pandemic generated strong debates, even as criteria for evaluating and comparing support programs for workers were largely incomplete”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Concerns about work disincentives originate from neoclassical ideas about worker motivation and labour market structure, and have been used as default assumptions in labour market policy design.

“Concerns about work disincentives originate out of neoclassical ideas about worker motivation, and the structure of labour markets, and have been used as the default assumptions in the design of labour market policy.”

May combine two claims.

To help persuade workers to return to work, CERB was eliminated in favor of the CRB, which is available on application for two weeks at a time up to 26 weeks.

“Either way, to help “persuade” workers to get back to work, CERB was eliminated in favour of the CRB, which is available on application for two weeks at a time (up to 26 weeks).”

May combine two claims.

Because higher-income individuals were more likely to receive maximum EI benefits, be less affected by job loss, find jobs after restrictions lifted, and work from home, this is less problematic than the lack of voice for workers earning less than $22,000 and the lack of vertical equity for workers earning less than $5,000 under CERB.

“However, because higher-income individuals were more likely to (a) receive maximum EI benefits, (b) be less affected by job loss during COVID-19, (c) find jobs once the restrictions were lifted, and (d) work from home, we posit that this is less problematic than the lack of voice for workers who made less than $22,000, and the lack of vertical equity for workers who made less than $5,000, embedded”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Higher-income individuals were more likely to receive maximum EI benefits.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Higher-income individuals were less affected by job loss during COVID-19.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Higher-income individuals were more likely to find jobs once restrictions were lifted.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Higher-income individuals were more likely to work from home.

May combine two claims.

The modifications to EI and creation of CRB, though more generous and easier to access than pre-COVID-19, still exclude workers who could not find work or accumulated too few hours between lockdowns.

“The modifications to EI and the creation of the CRB, although more generous and easier to access than what existed before COVID-19, still exclude workers who have been unable to find work or have accumulated too few hours of work in the intermezzo between lockdowns.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The modifications to EI and creation of CRB still exclude workers who have been unable to find work or have accumulated too few hours of work in the intermezzo between lockdowns.

May combine two claims.

The combined TBI-EI proposal would have provided a transfer to workers with employment income below $22,000, while those with higher income would have relied on EI if they lost their jobs.

“In contrast, the combined TBI–EI proposal would have provided a transfer to workers with employment income less than $22,000, and workers with employment income greater than this would have relied on EI in the event of a job loss.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Although CERB is taxable income, there are no plans to claw it all back from the highest income workers.

“Although the CERB is taxable income, there are no plans to claw it all back from the highest income workers.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: There are no plans to claw back CERB from the highest income workers.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Most policy-makers still have a strong overriding concern with efficiency, particularly labour market attachment and potential work disincentives from income support programs; equity receives less emphasis, and voice is almost entirely ignored.

“For most policy-makers, however, there is still a strong overriding concern with the efficiency objective, and with particular aspects of efficiency: namely, labour market attachment and the potential work disincentives created through income support programs. Equity is given somewhat less emphasis, and voice is almost entirely ignored.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Balancing efficiency, equity, and voice is an applicable framework for analyzing and comparing alternative income support programs and proposals during COVID-19 and beyond.

“our article illustrates the analytical integrity and applicability of balancing efficiency, equity, and voice as a framework for analyzing and comparing alternative income support programs and proposals—in the time of COVID-19 and beyond.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

These assumptions may contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy: during the COVID-19 pandemic, they may have led to programs that inadvertently created work disincentives while generating other inefficiencies and undermining public health objectives.

“These assumptions may even contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy; that is, during the COVID-19 pandemic these assumptions may have led to programs that inadvertently created work disincentives while at the same time generating other inefficiencies and undermining public health objectives.”

May combine two claims.

The CRB covers workers too sick or immunocompromised to work, but later lockdowns after Fall 2020 caused some to lose work again and made re-entry very difficult for others.

“The CRB covers workers too sick or immune compromised to work, but subsequent lockdowns introduced after Fall 2020 threw some people out of work again and made it very difficult for other workers to re-enter the labour market.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The CRB covers workers too sick or immunocompromised to work.
• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Subsequent lockdowns introduced after Fall 2020 threw some people out of work again and made it very difficult for other workers to re-enter the labour market.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The CEWS provides the ability for workers to maintain attachment to their employers if they desire to do so.

“However, the CEWS does provide the ability for workers to maintain attachment to their employers if they desire to do so.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

Balancing efficiency, equity, and voice provides a consistent framework and criteria for evaluating and comparing income support programs.

“We argue that balancing efficiency, equity, and voice provides a consistent framework and set of criteria for evaluating and comparing income support programs.”

May combine two claims.

The favoring of labour market efficiency is seen most strongly in the CEWS, although it may have impeded healthy structural adjustments and very little of the funds spent went to saving jobs at risk.

“The favoring of labour market efficiency is seen most strongly in the CEWS, although it did possibly impede healthy structural adjustments in the economy and “very little of the funds spent [went] to saving jobs at risk” (Smart and Eisen 2021).”

• cites Smart and Eisen 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

A lack of credible worker voice in crisis support programs made it difficult for workers to assess and act on their own COVID-19 risk and to raise concerns about employer safety precautions.

“A lack of credible worker voice embedded in the crisis support programs made it difficult for workers to assess and act on their own COVID-19 risk, as well as to raise any concerns about the (lack of) safety precautions put in place by their employers.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The federal government either assumed people would return to work in sectors most affected by the first wave of lockdowns in Spring 2020 or was concerned about CERB's work disincentives.

“The federal government either assumed that people would be returning to work in the sectors most affected during the first wave of lockdowns in Spring 2020 or was concerned about CERB’s work disincentives.”

May combine two claims.

Including expanded and more accessible income supports for low-income workers with the CERB led to gains over relying solely on EI in equity and voice, and improved efficiency through simplified application processes.

“The inclusion of expanded and more accessible income supports for low-income workers with the CERB led to some gains over solely relying on EI on the equity and voice dimensions, as well as improved efficiency as a result of simplified application processes.”

May combine two claims.

A UBI would have provided all workers greater voice than the CERB or CEWS, and a TBI combined with EI would have provided low-income workers earning less than $22,000 greater voice than the CERB or CEWS.

“A UBI would have provided all workers greater voice than the CERB or CEWS, and a TBI in combination with EI would have provided low-income workers (those making less than $22,000) greater voice than the CERB or CEWS.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

A combination of a TBI alongside the pre-existing EI program would have been most effective at balancing efficiency, equity, and voice objectives.

“specifically, that a combination of a TBI alongside the pre-existing EI program would have been most effective at balancing efficiency, equity and voice objectives”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

The introduction of CERB after EI's inadequacies during COVID-19 shutdowns could be viewed as policy-makers struggling to find their desired balance between efficiency and equity in their responses.

“In fact, the introduction of the CERB after the inadequacies of EI in the face of the COVID-19 government-mandated shutdowns could be viewed as a struggle among policy-makers to find their own desired balance among efficiency and equity in their COVID-19 responses.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

The framework can also be used to design future income support programs.

“this framework can also be used to design future income support programs.”

May combine two claims.

By providing an alternative income source for basic needs, a basic income would have equalized bargaining power in the labour market, enabling workers to voice concerns about unsafe practices, refuse unsafe work, or both without fear of losing income.

“By giving workers an alternative income source to meet basic needs, a basic income would have equalized bargaining power in the labour market and thus provided workers with the ability to voice concerns about unsafe workplace practices, to say no to unsafe work, or both without fear of losing an income source.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Although CEWS created higher income support for workers than CERB, if an employer received a wage subsidy for a worker who was also receiving CERB, the worker would be required to repay the benefit.

“Although the CEWS created higher income support for workers (i.e., workers could receive higher payments through the CEWS than they would have through the CERB), if an employer received a wage subsidy for a worker who was receiving the CERB, the worker is the one who would be required to repay the benefit.”