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Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization
Abstract
Far from sweeping the globe uniformly, the 'third wave of democratization' left burgeoning republics and resilient dictatorships in its wake. Applying more than a year of original fieldwork in Egypt, Iran, Malaysia, and the Philippines, in this 2007 book Jason Brownlee shows that the mixed record of recent democratization is best deciphered through a historical and institutional approach to authoritarian rule. Exposing the internal organizations that structure elite conflict, Brownlee demonstrates why the critical soft-liners needed for democratic transitions have been dormant in Egypt and Malaysia but outspoken in Iran and the Philippines. By establishing how ruling parties originated and why they impede change, Brownlee illuminates the problem of contemporary authoritarianism and informs the promotion of durable democracy.
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“And Brownlee (2007: 218f.) has observed that parties often play a vital role in facilitating the maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes.”
From Political party and party system institutionalization in Southeast Asia: lessons for democratic consolidation in Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand (2008) · cites this paper as Brownlee 2007: 218f.
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Items 101–200 of 999
Understanding Communist Collapse and Resilience
Dimitrov, M. K. (2013) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/cbo9781139565028.002 · Cited by 93
Civil Society and Competitive Authoritarianism in Malaysia
Giersdorf, S., & Croissant, A. (2011) · Journal of Civil Society · doi:10.1080/17448689.2011.553401 · Cited by 94
“Following Brownlee (2007), Case (2009) Ufen (2009) and Levitsky and Way (2010), we classify the political regime in Malaysia as competitive authoritarianism, thereby implying that a meaningful level of political competition and contestation exists, which can also be used by civic associations to…”
MethodRuling Parties in Authoritarian Regimes: Rethinking Institutional Strength
Meng, A. (2019) · British Journal of Political Science · doi:10.1017/s0007123419000115 · Cited by 90
“Scholars argue that parties are valuable institutions because they are particularly well suited to manage intra-elite conflict and allow dictators to make credible inter-temporal power-sharing deals (Boix and Svolik 2013; Brownlee 2007; Magaloni 2008; Reuter 2017; Svolik 2012).”
BackgroundInfluentialAuthoritarian Power Sharing: Concepts, Mechanisms, and Strategies
Meng, A., Paine, J., & Powell, R. (2022) · Annual Review of Political Science · doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-052121-020406 · Cited by 102
Corstange, D. (2012) · International Journal Middle East Studies · doi:10.1017/s0020743812000438 · Cited by 91
Performance and persistence of autocracies in comparison: introducing issues and perspectives
Croissant, A., & Wurster, S. (2013) · Contemporary Politics · doi:10.1080/13569775.2013.773199 · Cited by 90
“…institutions such as elections, legislatures and parties in autocracies and the importance of these institutions for the reproduction of authoritarian rule (Schedler 2002, 2006, Brownlee 2007, Gandhi and Przeworski 2007, Gandhi 2008, Magaloni 2008, Wright 2008a, Magaloni and Kricheli 2010).”
BackgroundLucardi, A. (2016) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414016666857 · Cited by 85
“CARs are political regimes that combine formal democratic institutions — an executive and a legislature elected in multiparty elections with universal suffrage — with systematic recourse to informal (when not illegal) practices that skew the playing field in the ruling party’s favor, such as government control of the…”
BackgroundInfluentialCroese, S., & Pitcher, M. A. (2017) · Urban Studies · doi:10.1177/0042098017732522 · Cited by 87
“Although democracies are consolidating in parts of Latin America, South Asia and Africa, many countries in, but not limited to, the global South remain authoritarian (Brownlee, 2007).”
BackgroundDistelhorst, G. (2015) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414015617960 · Cited by 107
“The growing empirical and theoretical literature on nondemocratic institutions documents their limitations as true tools of democratic accountability (Blaydes, 2010; Brownlee, 2007; Gandhi, 2008; Levitsky & Way, 2010; Lust-Okar, 2005; Magaloni, 2006).”
BackgroundClubs of autocrats: Regional organizations and authoritarian survival
Debre, M. J. (2021) · The Review of International Organizations · doi:10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y · Cited by 91
“First, the institutionalist literature argues that institutional variation between regimes can account for differences in survival (Brownlee, 2007; Gandhi, 2008; Geddes, 1999; Hadenius & Teorell, 2007).”
BackgroundMissing the Third Wave: Islam, Institutions, and Democracy in the Middle East
Lust, E. (2011) · Studies in Comparative International Development · doi:10.1007/s12116-011-9086-z · Cited by 85
“…the extent to which it is the institutional arrangements of regimes (Geddes 2000; Hadenius and Toerell 2007; Gandhi and Przeworski 2006), their ruling coalitions (Herb 1999; 2005b), or the strength of dominant parties (Brownlee 2007) that helps to determine the resilience of authoritarian regimes.”
BackgroundLabour protests in Egypt: causes and meanings
El‐Mahdi, R. (2011) · Review of African Political Economy · doi:10.1080/03056244.2011.598342 · Cited by 81
“…the article is an attempt to move beyond a dominant overly state-centric literature, with its elite-bias, which focuses on the role and strategic choice of elites and political leadership in understanding political transitions (see, for example, Brownlee 2007, Lust-Okar 2005, Rutherford 2008).”
BackgroundLegal Mobilization and Authoritarianism
Chua, L. J. (2019) · Annual Review of Law and Social Science · doi:10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-043026 · Cited by 82
From victorious rebels to strong authoritarian parties: prospects for post-war democratization
Lyons, T. P. (2016) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2016.1168404 · Cited by 91
Dominant Party Rule and Legislative Leadership in Authoritarian Regimes
Reuter, O. J., & Turovsky, R. F. (2011) · Party Politics · doi:10.1177/1354068812448689 · Cited by 85
“Since Huntington (1970) scholars have viewed strong ruling parties as structures capable of uniting fissiparous social forces and elites Brownlee (2007) argues that strong ruling parties ‘bridle elite ambitions and bind together otherwise fractious coalitions.”
BackgroundInfluentialKnutsen, C. H., & Nygård, H. M. (2015) · American Journal of Political Science · doi:10.1111/ajps.12168 · Cited by 82
“Multi-party elections could stabilize non-democracies through enabling co-optation (Magaloni 2006; Gandhi 2008), increasing domestic and international legitimacy (Schedler 2002a, 2006), or revealing important information about the opposition (Brownlee 2007; Malesky 2011).”
BackgroundThe V-Dem Party Institutionalization Index: A New Global Indicator (1900-2015)Preprint
Neto, F. B., Hicken, A. D., & Self, D. S. (2017) · SSRN Electronic Journal · doi:10.2139/ssrn.2968265 · Cited by 77
Hard times and regime failure: autocratic responses to economic downturns
Tanneberg, D., Stefes, C. H., & Merkel, W. (2013) · Contemporary Politics · doi:10.1080/13569775.2013.773206 · Cited by 79
“…clearly demonstrates that, depending on their origins and external factors, institutions such as elections, parliaments, parties, and courts may stabilize but also destabilize autocratic regimes (Osborne and Rubinstein 1994, Smith 2005, Brownlee 2007, Ginsburg and Moustafa 2008, Lindberg 2009).”
Background(2018) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781108560566 · Cited by 79
The Elements of Surprise: Assessing Burma's Double-Edged détente
Slater, D. (2014) · South East Asia Research · doi:10.5367/sear.2014.0206 · Cited by 78
“With only a small handful of conceivable exceptions, no other regime on earth has been so intransigently authoritarian in the face of highly intense and persistent internal and external pressures for political change.2 Hence, when newly inaugurated 1 Brownlee, 2007.”
BackgroundThe New Institutionalism in the Study of Authoritarian Regimes
Schedler, A. (2009) · Totalitarismus und Demokratie · doi:10.13109/tode.2009.6.2.323 · Cited by 84
Hybrid what? Partial consensus and persistent divergences in the analysis of hybrid regimes
Cassani, A. (2013) · International Political Science Review · doi:10.1177/0192512113495756 · Cited by 80
“Researchers studied their origins (Levitsky and Way, 2002; Ottaway, 2003; Schedler, 2002), theorised about their functioning (Blaydes, 2008; Brownlee, 2007; Gandhi and Przeworski, 2006; Lust-Okar, 2006; Magaloni, 2006), and analysed their endurance (Boix and Svolik, 2008; Brownlee, 2009; Epstein et…”
BackgroundOpposition in transition: pre-electoral coalitions and the 2018 electoral breakthrough in Malaysia
Ufen, A. (2020) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2019.1666266 · Cited by 74
The Psychology of Repression and Polarization
Nugent, E. R. (2017) · World Politics · doi:10.1017/s0043887120000015 · Cited by 85
Pepinsky, T. B. (2008) · World Politics · doi:10.1017/s0043887100009059 · Cited by 73
Democratization and electoral turnovers in sub-Saharan Africa and beyond
Wahman, M. (2012) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2012.732572 · Cited by 73
Conflict negotiations and rebel leader selection
Cunningham, K. G., & Sawyer, K. (2019) · Journal of Peace Research · doi:10.1177/0022343319829689 · Cited by 77
“Even if these elections are not fully democratic, electoral processes can reveal information (Brownlee, 2007; Gandhi & Lust-Okar, 2009).14 Gaining power through an election signals information about the relationship between the leader and the opposition movement more generally.15 Successful Table…”
BackgroundAlliances and Perception Profiles in the Iranian Reform Movement, 1997 to 2005
Kadivar, M. A. (2013) · American Sociological Review · doi:10.1177/0003122413508285 · Cited by 70
“Major explanatory factors in such studies include the political institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran (Arjomand 2009; Bashiriyeh 2005; Brownlee 2007; Brumberg 2001; Gheissari and Nasr 2006; Keshavarzian 2005; Tezcur 2010); the country’s class structure (Bashiriyeh 2006); and the ideology and…”
BackgroundThe Popularity Costs of Economic Crisis under Electoral Authoritarianism: Evidence from Russia
Rosenfeld, B. R. M. (2018) · American Journal of Political Science · doi:10.1111/ajps.12338 · Cited by 68
“…it an ideal setting for this research: multiparty elections in which incumbents enjoy an unfair advantage; extensive state economic involvement; and a government that has stifled access to independent information (Brownlee 2007; Levitsky and Way 2010; Magaloni 2006; Reuter and Turovsky 2014).”
BackgroundCommunicating authoritarian elite cohesion
Schedler, A., & Hoffmann, B. (2015) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2015.1095181 · Cited by 68
On the Outside Looking In: Secrecy and the Study of Authoritarian Regimes*
Barros, R. (2016) · Social Science Quarterly · doi:10.1111/ssqu.12350 · Cited by 67
Who Defects? Unpacking a Defection Cascade from Russia's Dominant Party 2008–12
Hale, H., & Colton, T. (2017) · American Political Science Review · doi:10.1017/s0003055416000642 · Cited by 43
“A burgeoning literature broadly agrees political parties are often a linchpin of the survival of any such regime (Brownlee 2007; Geddes 1999; Huntington 1968; Svolik 2012).”
BackgroundLü, X., Liu, M., & Li, F. (2018) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414018797950 · Cited by 64
“Boix and Svolik (2013), Brownlee (2007), Gandhi (2008), and Svolik (2012).”
Propaganda and Protest in Autocracies
Carter, E. B., & Carter, B. L. (2020) · Journal of Conflict Resolution · doi:10.1177/0022002720975090 · Cited by 67
“…have sought the origins of autocratic survival in formal political institutions: single party regimes or national legislatures populated by regular elections (Lust-Okar 2006; Brownlee 2007; Gandhi 2008; Blaydes 2008; Magaloni 2008; Slater 2010; Svolik 2012; Geddes, Wright, and Frantz 2018).”
BackgroundSubnational Appointments in Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from Russian Gubernatorial AppointmentsPreprint
Reuter, O. J., & Robertson, G. B. (2011) · SSRN Electronic Journal · doi:10.2139/ssrn.1972857 · Cited by 66
Being There Is Half the Battle: Group Inclusion, Constitution-Writing, and Democracy
Eisenstadt, T. A., & Maboudi, T. (2019) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414019830739 · Cited by 62
“…is perhaps most common, and, when analyzed through the lens of interest group politics, can be most readily understood as undergirding the process of constitution-making through “pacted democratization” (Higley & Gunther, 1992; O’Donnell & Schmitter, 1986, and Brownlee, 2007, for example).”
BackgroundGöbel, C. (2010) · European Political Science · doi:10.1057/eps.2010.47 · Cited by 64
Guliyev, F. (2011) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2011.563115 · Cited by 70
Owen, C., & Bindman, E. (2017) · Government and Opposition · doi:10.1017/gov.2017.13 · Cited by 63
Gainous, J., Wagner, K. M., & Ziegler, C. E. (2017) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2017.1315566 · Cited by 64
How to Sell a Coup: Elections as Coup Legitimation
Grewal, S., & Kureshi, Y. (2018) · Journal of Conflict Resolution · doi:10.1177/0022002718770508 · Cited by 61
Pratt, N., & Rezk, D. (2019) · Security Dialogue · doi:10.1177/0967010619830043 · Cited by 61
“Mass organizations, political parties, elections and parliaments have also served to co-opt political opponents (amongst others, see, Ayubi 1995, Blaydes 2010, Brownlee 2007, Lust-Okar 2005, Posusney and Penner Angrist 2005, Schlumberger 2007).”
BackgroundMatovski, A. (2021) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781009047500 · Cited by 73
Party matters: the institutional origins of competitive hegemony in Tanzania
Morse, Y. L. (2013) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2013.764285 · Cited by 59
Hess, S. (2013) · International Political Science Review · doi:10.1177/0192512112460258 · Cited by 58
“Brownlee (2007), King (2007: 433– 59), Lust (2009), and Blaydes (2011: 2–5) identified political institutions in Egypt and Tunisia (that is, hegemonic party apparatuses, legislatures, and elections) as critical regime supports that helped manage internal divisions and co-opt potential challengers.”
BackgroundHess, S. (2015) · Government and Opposition · doi:10.1017/gov.2014.39 · Cited by 57
“These include the relationship between nominally competitive elections, inequality and the robustness of security forces in contributing to authoritarian resilience or vulnerability (Bunce and Wolchik 2010: 49–50; Brownlee, 2007: 32; Gandhi 2008; Gandhi and Przeworski 2007).”
BackgroundAccessing the state: Executive constraints and credible commitment in dictatorship
Meng, A. (2019) · Journal of Theoretical Politics · doi:10.1177/0951629819875515 · Cited by 58
“Parties help dictators to facilitate cooperation within the ruling coalition by solving commitment and monitoring problems (Boix and Svolik, 2013; Brownlee, 2007; Gehlbach and Keefer, 2011; Magaloni, 2008; Reuter, 2017; Svolik, 2012) and channel benefits of state power to elites (Greene, 2007,…”
Backgroundde Miguel, C., Jamal, A., & Tessler, M. (2015) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414015574877 · Cited by 56
“As several scholars have argued, discontent citizens in the Arab world often do not find a viable opposition candidate on the ballot (Brownlee, 2007; Lust-Okar, 2009; Posusney, 2002; Sadiki, 2009).”
Background“Good Types” in Authoritarian Elections
Manion, M. (2014) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414014537027 · Cited by 57
“Empirically, the wager has paid off for dictators: Authoritarian elections are associated not with democratic transition (Brownlee, 2007) but with regime longevity (Geddes, 1999).”
BackgroundPresidential Instability in Latin America: Why Institutionalized Parties Matter
Martínez, C. A. (2020) · Government and Opposition · doi:10.1017/gov.2020.18 · Cited by 56
“As a space for discussion, parties reconcile different and often competing interests (Brownlee 2007), in turn discouraging intra-party struggles and fostering stability.”
BackgroundEckiert, G., Perry, E., & Yan, X. (2020) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781108784146 · Cited by 58
Hlaing, K. Y. (2009) · The Pacific Review · doi:10.1080/09512740903068347 · Cited by 55
“On the whole, the Burmese military regime has defied conventional wisdom among political scientists that ‘military rule is the shortest form of authoritarian regime in the developing world’ (Brownlee 2007: 29).”
BackgroundJustice institutions in autocracies: a framework for analysis
Ríos-Figueroa, J., & Aguilar, P. (2017) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2017.1304379 · Cited by 55
Institutionalising electoral uncertainty and authoritarian regime survival
Bernhard, M. H., Edgell, A. B., & Lindberg, S. I. (2019) · European Journal of Political Research · doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12355 · Cited by 60
“This is in line with other large-n studies on electoral authoritarianism (Miller 2015; Knutsen et al. 2017; Brownlee 2007, 2009).”
The Dictator's Dilemma at the Ballot Box
Higashijima, M. (2021) · University of Michigan Press eBooks · doi:10.3998/mpub.11978139 · Cited by 79
Croissant, A., & Kamerling, J. (2013) · Asian Journal of Political Science · doi:10.1080/02185377.2013.823797 · Cited by 62
Human Rights Prosecutions and Autocratic Survival
Escribà‐Folch, A., & Wright, J. (2015) · International Organization · doi:10.1017/s0020818314000484 · Cited by 55
Elite Survival Strategies and Authoritarian Reversal in Turkey
Bayülgen, O., Arbatli, E., & Canbolat, S. (2018) · Polity · doi:10.1086/698203 · Cited by 54
Maerz, S. F. (2018) · Government and Opposition · doi:10.1017/gov.2018.17 · Cited by 59
“Yet, despite these disadvantageous conditions, the reform movement in Iran has been comparatively strong throughout the regime span and politics have been much more contested than those in the regimes conceptualized as simulating pluralism (Brownlee 2007: 157–81).”
BackgroundSimpson, A. (2013) · The Pacific Review · doi:10.1080/09512748.2012.759264 · Cited by 54
“Although the current outlets for social mobilization are unlikely to represent a threat to the dominance of the military ruling class in society (Brownlee 2007: 217–18), the presence of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD in parliament should encourage a continuation of the relaxation of political…”
BackgroundYılmaz, İ., Shipoli, E. A., & Demir, M. (2021) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2021.1891412 · Cited by 60
The Autocratic Ruling Parties Dataset: Origins, Durability, and Death
Miller, M. K. (2019) · Journal of Conflict Resolution · doi:10.1177/0022002719876000 · Cited by 53
“Most recent work that tackles this heterogeneity focuses on the strategies and sophistication of leaders, including leaders’ choices of institutional rules (Magaloni 2006, 2008; Brownlee 2007; Levitsky and Way 2010; Way 2015).”
BackgroundInfluentialLabor Standards and Labor Market Flexibility in the Middle East: Free Trade and Freer Unions?
Cammett, M. C., & Posusney, M. P. (2010) · Studies in Comparative International Development · doi:10.1007/s12116-010-9062-z · Cited by 51
“…this paper lends further support to the comparative finding that single party states appear to have the most resilient form of authoritarianism (Brownlee 2007; Geddes 1999) and suggests the intriguing possibility that some of the historically conservative monarchies of the region may…”
ResultInternational Influences on Elections in New Multiparty States
Kelley, J. G. (2012) · Annual Review of Political Science · doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-030810-110805 · Cited by 50
“Brownlee (2007) argues that elections do not change long-term outcomes in authoritarian regimes, but Tucker (2007) and Bunce & Wolchik (2006a) show that elections can be revolutionary events.”
BackgroundExplaining the Unexpected: Political Science and the Surprises of 1989 and 2011
Howard, M. M., & Walters, M. R. (2014) · Perspectives on Politics · doi:10.1017/s1537592714000899 · Cited by 53
“55 Brownlee 2007.”
Relative Capture: Quasi-Experimental Evidence From the Chinese Judiciary
Wang, Y. (2017) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414017720708 · Cited by 47
Institutional stepping stones for democracy: how and why multipartyism enhances democratic change
Teorell, J., & Wahman, M. (2018) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2017.1318279 · Cited by 50
The Failure of Democratization in Russia: A Comparative Perspective
Evans, A. B. (2010) · Journal of Eurasian Studies · doi:10.1016/j.euras.2010.10.001 · Cited by 51
“A growing body of scholarly literature in the field of comparative politics seeks to delineate the dynamics of semi-authoritarian regimes (Brownlee, 2007; Ottaway, 2003; Smith and Zeigler, 2008; Zakaria, 1997).”
BackgroundUfen, A. (2009) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510340902884804 · Cited by 51
The Decline of a Dominant Party and the Destabilization of Electoral Authoritarianism?
Gill, G. J. (2012) · Post-Soviet Affairs · doi:10.2747/1060-586x.28.4.449 · Cited by 50
“In this sense, the election might be seen more as a symptom of problems than a cause (Brownlee, 2007, p. 10 and p. 32; Ottaway, 2003, pp. 177–178).16 Nevertheless, it is possible that some reform of the political system, including its electoral aspects, may be seen as an answer to the problem.”
BackgroundInfluentialStress testing leadership in Malaysia: the 1MDB scandal and Najib Tun Razak
Case, W. F. (2017) · The Pacific Review · doi:10.1080/09512748.2017.1282538 · Cited by 50
“In his ‘historical–institutional’ account, Jason Brownlee (2007) documents UMNO’s deploying these strategies of single-party dominance in the case of Malaysia.”
BackgroundAltering Authoritarianism: Institutional Complexity and Autocratic Agency in Indonesia
Slater, D. (2009) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/cbo9780511806414.007 · Cited by 49
Carney, R. W. (2014) · Review of International Political Economy · doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.958091 · Cited by 48
“…co-opt the opposition either through the distribution of economic transfers and rents (Wintrobe, 1998; Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) or through institutions that produce credible inter-temporal power-sharing deals with potential elite opponents (Lazarev, 2005; Brownlee, 2007; and Magaloni, 2008).”
BackgroundStrategies of legitimation in Central Asia: regime durability in Turkmenistan
Polese, A., Beacháin, D. Ó., & Horák, S. (2017) · Contemporary Politics · doi:10.1080/13569775.2017.1331391 · Cited by 50
“…explored this possibility by trying to think like a dictator, thus opening the way to a number of studies on the endurance of authoritarianism (Brownlee, 2007) and the use of instruments such as elections to guarantee unfree competition, as well as the persistence of undemocratic rule…”
BackgroundInfluentialBonet, L., & Zamorano, M. M. (2020) · International Journal of Cultural Policy · doi:10.1080/10286632.2020.1806829 · Cited by 48
Resisting the Fall: The Single Dominant Party, Policies and Elections in Malaysia
Gomez, E. T. (2016) · Journal of Contemporary Asia · doi:10.1080/00472336.2016.1192214 · Cited by 47
“Third, these parties co-opt elected opposition representatives, resorting even to paying them large sums of money to cross over (see, for example, Greene 2007 and Brownlee 2007).”
BackgroundIs Any Publicity Good Publicity? Media Coverage, Party Institutions, and Authoritarian Power-Sharing
Feng-ming, L., & Ma, X. (2018) · Political Communication · doi:10.1080/10584609.2018.1490836 · Cited by 47
Does democracy matter? Comparative perspectives on violence and democratic institutions
Karstedt, S. (2015) · European Journal of Criminology · doi:10.1177/1477370815584499 · Cited by 48
Hyde, S. (2017) · Cornell University Press eBooks · doi:10.7591/9780801460777 · Cited by 45
Are non-competitive elections good for citizens?
Little, A. T. (2016) · Journal of Theoretical Politics · doi:10.1177/0951629816630436 · Cited by 44
“Some key problems that leaders need to solve to stay in power are being able to manage intra-elite competition (Blaydes, 2010; Brownlee, 2007), distribute patronage (Lust-Okar, 2006), buy off potential challengers (Gandhi, 2008; Wintrobe, 1990), make promises credible (Gehlbach and Keefer, 2011;…”
BackgroundPolitical Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships
Kim, N. K., & Sudduth, J. K. (2021) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/0010414021997161 · Cited by 45
Stroh, A. (2010) · Journal of Eastern African Studies · doi:10.1080/17531050903550066 · Cited by 49
Exploring Political Personalities: The Micro-Foundations of Local Policy Innovation in China
Lewis, O. A., Teets, J. C., & Hasmath, R. (2018) · Governance · doi:10.1111/gove.12573 · Cited by 43
Competitive authoritarianism and popular protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milošević
Vladisavljević, N. (2014) · International Political Science Review · doi:10.1177/0192512114535450 · Cited by 52
Thomson, H. (2019) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781108568951 · Cited by 61
What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship?
Mufti, M. (2018) · Politics and Governance · doi:10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 · Cited by 49
International Sports Events and Repression in Autocracies: Evidence from the 1978 FIFA World Cup
Scharpf, A., Gläßel, C., & Edwards, P. (2022) · American Political Science Review · doi:10.1017/s0003055422000958 · Cited by 45
Authoritarian Durability: Public Opinion towards Democracy in Southeast Asia
Pietsch, J. (2014) · Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties · doi:10.1080/17457289.2014.933836 · Cited by 42
“Since the turn of the century, there has been a renewed interest in perceptions of democracy and the durability of authoritarianism (see Brownlee, 2007; Diamond, Correspondence Address: School of Politics and International Relations, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia.”
BackgroundIntroduction: Rethinking Party System Institutionalization in Asia
Hicken, A. D., & Kuhonta, E. M. (2014) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/cbo9781107300385.001 · Cited by 41
Methods of Election Manipulation and the Likelihood of Post-Election Protest
Harvey, C. J., & Mukherjee, P. (2018) · Government and Opposition · doi:10.1017/gov.2018.38 · Cited by 39
“Authoritarian elections have been shown to benefit rulers in a variety of ways, including co-optation of the opposition (Gandhi and Przeworski 2006, 2007), information-gathering and managing elite disagreements (Blaydes 2011; Brownlee 2007; Lust-Okar 2006; Magaloni 2006; Reuter and Robertson 2015).”
BackgroundExplaining divergent transformation paths in Tunisia and Egypt: The role of inter-elite trust
Hassan, M., Lorch, J., & Ranko, A. (2019) · Mediterranean Politics · doi:10.1080/13629395.2019.1614819 · Cited by 41
The Politics of Legislative Expansion in Africa
Gerzso, T., & van de Walle, N. (2022) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/00104140221074277 · Cited by 41
Introduction: Understanding Thailand’s Politics
Kanchoochat, V., & Hewison, K. (2016) · Journal of Contemporary Asia · doi:10.1080/00472336.2016.1173305 · Cited by 45
“Singapore and Malaysia are among the main cases used in this literature to demonstrate how elites purposefully utilise these institutions to consolidate their hold on power and to maintain authoritarian regimes (see Geddes 2003; Brownlee 2007; Gandhi 2008).”
BackgroundIsaacs, R., & Whitmore, S. (2013) · Democratization · doi:10.1080/13510347.2013.768616 · Cited by 40
The Role of Domestic Opposition and International Justice Regimes in Peaceful Transitions of Power
Nalepa, M., & Powell, E. J. (2015) · Journal of Conflict Resolution · doi:10.1177/0022002714567946 · Cited by 41
“Brownlee (2007) argues that autocrats can maintain stability if they liberalize but do not follow through with democratization.”
BackgroundElectoral theocracy and hybrid sovereignty in Iran
Ghobadzadeh, N., & Rahim, L. Z. (2016) · Contemporary Politics · doi:10.1080/13569775.2016.1175097 · Cited by 39
“…parties and alternating governments constitute essential and indispensable features of a democracy, the study of political parties has been accorded considerable space in the literature on EA (Brownlee, 2007; Gandhi, 2008; Gandhi & Przeworski, 2007; Langston, 2006; Magaloni, 2006; Walle, 2006).”
BackgroundThe international dimension of authoritarian regime legitimation: insights from the Cuban case
Hoffmann, B. (2014) · Journal of International Relations and Development · doi:10.1057/jird.2014.9 · Cited by 42
“Gandhi and Przeworski (2007) and Gandhi (2008) have addressed the function of formal representative institutions within a dictatorship; Brownlee (2007) has focused on the political logic of ruling parties; Schedler (2006) has dissected the political dynamics of what he termed ‘electoral…”
Managing elite defection in Museveni’s Uganda: the 2016 elections in perspective
Khisa, M. (2016) · Journal of Eastern African Studies · doi:10.1080/17531055.2016.1272288 · Cited by 40
Democratic Backsliding in Africa?
(2022) · Oxford University Press · doi:10.1093/oso/9780192867322.001.0001 · Cited by 39
Justifying power: when autocracies talk about themselves and their opponents
Dukalskis, A., & Patane, C. F. (2019) · Contemporary Politics · doi:10.1080/13569775.2019.1570424 · Cited by 41
“Single-party regimes are thought to be durable because they are able to manage elite conflict, regularize succession and co-opt potentially threatening elites (Brownlee, 2007).”
Background
Metadata
- Authors
- Brownlee, J.
- Affiliations
- The University of Texas at Austin (US)
- Corresponding author
- Brownlee, Jason
- ORCID
- Brownlee, Jason
- Venue
- Cambridge University Press eBooks
- Publisher
- Cambridge University Press
- Published
- 2007-07-16
- OpenAlex
- W4302416674
- Cited by
- 1,070
- References
- 0
- Citations by year
- 2026: 67 · 2025: 64 · 2024: 47 · 2023: 31 · 2022: 54 · 2021: 55 · 2020: 88 · 2019: 117 · 2018: 127 · 2017: 75 · 2016: 62 · 2015: 60 · 2014: 39 · 2013: 44 · 2012: 34
- FWCI
- 29.57
- Type
- book
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- Cambridge University Press eBooks (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political Conflict and Governance
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Political Theory and Democracy
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Asian Studies and History
- Keywords
- authoritarianism, democratization, third wave of democratization, elite conflict, ruling party, democratic transition, soft lining materials, Egypt, Iran, Malaysia, Philippines
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