Illusions of techno-nationalism.

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism is deeply intertwined with geopolitics and drives worldwide de-globalization and decoupling with structural changes.

“New techno-nationalism mingles deeply and intricately with geopolitics, propelling a new time of worldwide de-globalization and decoupling with structural changes”

• cites Buckley, 2020 sourcePartly supported

  The Conclusion (What is New Empirically; page unavailable) links techno-nationalism to fractured global value chains, and Ambiguity (Empirics: A Bifurcated World Order; page unavailable) connects it to US–China competition and structural change. But Ambiguity (China as the Other; page unavailable) cautions that a clean break is limited by interlinked global networks. The claim overstates the paper by presenting worldwide de-globalization and decoupling as an established outcome. (LLM, conf=0.86)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured
• cites Petricevic & Teece, 2019 sourcePartly supported

  The Introduction identifies neo-techno-nationalism as a force reshaping the global economic order, and the VUCA section links that reshaping to geopolitical shifts, de-globalization tendencies, and possible value-chain decoupling. The claim overstates the paper’s qualifications: it presents worldwide de-globalization and decoupling as outcomes already being propelled, whereas the paper describes tendencies and says value chains may be moving toward decoupling. Page numbers were not available in our copy. (LLM, conf=0.86)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured
• cites Witt, 2019 sourcePartly supported

  The opening discussion (p. 2) identifies politics as a key driver of de-globalization and describes US–China geostrategic competition as a possible trigger. The Abstract (p. 1) predicts qualitative changes in international-business structures. But the paper does not identify “new techno-nationalism” as the driver or establish the claimed worldwide decoupling; its technology-related discussion does not make that connection. (LLM, conf=0.86)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Traditional techno-nationalists hold that national R&D efforts are key drivers of a nation's overall growth, sustainability, and prosperity.

“Traditional techno-nationalists believe that the presence and effectiveness of national R&D efforts are key drivers to the overall growth, sustainability, and prosperity of a nation”

• cites Edgerton, 2007 sourceSupported

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Realism treats international politics as anarchic, with no overarching authority able to enforce rules, so state survival ultimately depends on hard power in a zero-sum game.

“Realism carries the assumption that ultimately no rules constrain state behavior as no overarching authority exists that could enforce compliance. In the anarchic world of realism, securing survival occurs ultimately as a function of hard power (military, economic, and political) under a zero-sum game (Witt, 2019).”

• cites Witt, 2019 sourcePartly supported

  The Realism section (p. 8) explicitly describes anarchy as the absence of an overarching authority to enforce rules, and says survival depends on hard power in a zero-sum game. It identifies military power and economic strength, but does not identify political power as a form of hard power; on p. 11, it names military and economic power as the two central dimensions. (LLM, conf=0.86)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

May combine two claims.

MNEs can build competitive advantages through horizontal collaboration with global competitors or vertical collaboration with suppliers and distributors.

“Research reveals that MNEs can build competitive advantages through collaboration with global competitors (horizontal cooperation) or with suppliers and distributors (vertical cooperation) (Kano et al., 2020).”

• cites Kano et al., 2020 sourcePartly supported

  The Network structure section links horizontal ties among local firms and vertical MNE–supplier ties to improved innovation performance. The Learning section also says lead firms benefit from stronger supplier capabilities. Neither passage establishes the claimed collaboration with global competitors or distributors as routes to MNE competitive advantage; no page numbers are available in our copy. (LLM, conf=0.85)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

May combine two claims.

When the US uses extraterritorial sanctions to block non-US firms' trade and financial dealings with a target country, it coercively turns national measures into global ones and breaches other states' sovereignty.

“It is quite another for the government to use extraterritorial sanctions to block trade and financial activities by non-US companies against that target country—in other words, to coercively turn national actions into global measures, in breach of the sovereignty of other states (Mann & Daly, 2020).”

• cites Mann & Daly, 2020 sourceCould not verify

  The Introduction discusses US attempts to exert power over extraterritorial conduct, and Main Contributions describes US use of internet companies to extend its power beyond its borders. Neither passage addresses extraterritorial sanctions blocking non-US firms’ trade or financial dealings, or says that such measures breach other states’ sovereignty. Searches for sanctions, trade restrictions, and sovereignty found no passage establishing that claim. (LLM, conf=0.74)

  Experimental — accuracy not yet measured

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Political realism provides a theoretical foundation for new techno-nationalist actions that can undermine international business operations.

“We show that political realism forms a theoretical basis for new techno-nationalist actions that could undermine international business operations.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

MNEs may respond to techno-nationalism either defensively or offensively, depending on their exposure and capacity to manage policy-related risks.

“MNEs can respond to techno-nationalism, defensively or offensively, contingent upon their exposure and ability to manage the risks associated with related policies.”

May combine two claims.

Digital connectivity promotes globalization, but digital technologies also create downsides that fuel techno-nationalist sentiment.

“As a consensus, digital connectivity promotes globalization, but digital technologies do produce downsides, which in turn propel a techno-nationalist sentiment”

• cites Archibugi & Michie, 1995Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites DeNardis, 2014Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites van Tulder et al., 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Market and technology dependence are firm-specific contingencies that shape an MNE's exposure to new techno-nationalist disruptions.

“The framework also explains market and technology dependence as firm-specific contingencies that determine the MNE’s exposure to new techno-nationalist disruptions.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Under new techno-nationalism, leaders pursue geopolitical gains based on the premise that the world has entered a new era of systemic rivalry among powerhouses with different ideological values, political systems, and economic models.

“Under new techno-nationalism, country leaders seek to attain geopolitical gains, building on the premise that the world has entered a new era of systemic rivalry between competing geopolitical powerhouses that differ markedly in ideological values, political systems, and economic models”

• cites Farrell & Newman, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Garcia-Herrero, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In a world of relative gains, state leaders have an incentive to cut or eliminate economic ties with rivals if they believe those ties benefit rivals more.

“In this world of relative gains, state leaders have an incentive to curtail or eliminate economic ties with rivals if they believe that these ties benefit their rivals relatively more”

• cites Beitz, 1997Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Ostry & Nelson, 1995Not checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

In the mid and late 1990s, many developing and emerging-economy governments began welcoming FDI and recognizing the value of native innovation and local technological advancement.

“In the mid and late 1990s, governments of many developing and emerging economies began to welcome FDI and realize the importance of native innovation and local technological advancement”

• cites Meyer, 2004 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism is a form of systematic competition thinking that ties cross-border technology exchanges to national security and advocates strong state intervention against opportunistic or hostile foreign state and non-state actors.

“New techno-nationalism is a strain of systematic competition thinking that links cross-border technological exchanges directly to a nation’s national security, advocating for strong interventions by the state against opportunistic or hostile state and non-state actors from other countries”

• cites Moore, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Sacks, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

The realism doctrine underpins new techno-nationalism; it depicts the world as zero-sum competition where states use economic coercion and overlooks technological interconnectivity, resource complementarity, open innovation, and positive-sum co-opetition.

“new techno-nationalism is underpinned by the realism doctrine, which portrays the world as zero-sum competition in which states leverage their power of economic coercion, and does not recognize the importance of technological interconnectivity, resource complementarity, open innovation, and positive-sum co-opetition”

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism relies on a zero-sum bargaining logic, but in an interconnected world with interdependent technological components and supply chains, technological complementarity is widespread and allows co-opetition to prevail.

“First, the view builds on the bargaining logic, in which the game is truly zero-sum (Boddewyn, 2016), but in an interconnected world, in which technological components (or supply chains) are interdependent, technological complementarity widely occurs between countries and between cross-border companies (Doz & Wilson, 2012), allowing for the co-opetition logic to prevail.”

• cites Boddewyn, 2016 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Doz & Wilson, 2012Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Traditional techno-nationalist policies aim to strengthen domestic industries' competitiveness against foreign rivals.

“In general, techno-nationalist policies are designed to strengthen the competitiveness of domestic industries against foreign rivals.”

May combine two claims.

Global open resources foster innovation and speed, creating positive-sum competition through complementary collaboration.

“Here, global open resources foster innovation and speed, creating positive-sum completion through complementary collaboration”

• cites Cantwell, 1995Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Political realism holds that in an anarchic world states seek to maximize their power relative to others to improve their survival chances.

“This doctrine, as we detail below, holds that, in an ultimately anarchic world, states focus on maximizing their power relative to others to increase their own chances of survival”

• cites Waltz, 1979Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism reduces global open innovation, potentially creating competitive disadvantages for affected MNEs.

“New techno-nationalism depreciates global open innovation, which may lead to competitive disadvantages for affected MNEs.”

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalists underestimate the collateral damage to their own country's businesses and trade retaliation from target countries.

“Finally, new techno-nationalists underestimate collateral damages on the nation’s own businesses and trade revenges from target countries.”

May combine two claims.

Compared with the traditional form, new techno-nationalism is more short-term opportunistic and sometimes hard to justify rationally and ethically.

“Relative to traditional, new techno-nationalism is more short-term opportunistic (Legrain, 2020) and sometimes becomes difficult to justify both rationally and ethically”

• cites Legrain, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Farrell & Newman, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Traditional techno-nationalism embraced globalization as a way to upgrade local economies and industry, while the new version rejects globalization and restricts technology inflows and outflows in certain sectors or domains.

“Traditional techno-nationalism embraced globalization, notably global technologies, as a means to upgrade local economies and industrial development (Archibugi & Michie, 1995), whereas today’s version denounces globalization, imposing regulatory restrictions against both technology inflows from and outflows to other countries in certain sectors or technological domains”

• cites Archibugi & Michie, 1995Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Moore, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

MNE political responses are not static and differ across firms; leaders adjust their political behavior to environmental or organizational conditions that affect cooperation or competition with governments.

“In this co-opetition view, enterprise political responses do not remain at a standstill, nor do different MNEs act the same way (Boddewyn & Brewer, 1994). Leaders of international firms adjust their political behavior to align with changes in environmental or organizational conditions that affect cooperation or competition with governments.”

• cites Boddewyn & Brewer, 1994 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

Both realism and liberalism focus on the nation-state and neglect the role of international businesses, including MNEs, in shaping international relations; realism in particular rejects market and business influence on state policies and ignores their damages.

“Both political realism and liberalism focus on the nation state as the level of analysis and shy away from explaining the role of international businesses in shaping international relations. For realists, states are the only strategic actors in international relations.”

• cites Mansfield, 1994Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Private companies in China account for about 60% of GDP, 70% of innovation, 80% of urban employment, and 90% of new jobs.

“privately owned companies in China contribute about 60% of China’s GDP, 70% of innovation, 80% of urban employment, and 90% of new jobs”

• cites Zitelmann, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Modern techno-nationalism may obstruct technological co-development and cause a breakdown of the global value chain.

“Yet, modern techno-nationalism may present obstacles to this co-development and cause a breakdown of the global value chain.”

May combine two claims.

In the 20th century innovation and knowledge flowed mainly from developed to developing countries, but in the 21st century these flows are mutual and bilateral between advanced and emerging economies.

“In the 20th century, innovation and knowledge were largely transferred from developed countries to developing countries. However, in the 21st century, these flows are mutual and bilateral, involving flows of knowledge and innovation between advanced and emerging economies in both directions (Govindarajan & Ramamurti, 2011).”

• cites Govindarajan & Ramamurti, 2011 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

Traditional techno-nationalism was mainly adopted for developmental goals, whereas new techno-nationalism is used mainly by advanced economies in the name of national security.

“The traditional form was principally adopted (preferred also by developing countries) for developmental objectives (Kim & Nelson, 2000; Ostry & Nelson, 1995), while new techno-nationalism is employed mainly by advanced economies primarily in the name of national security”

• cites Kim & Nelson, 2000Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Ostry & Nelson, 1995Not checked — no full text of the source
• cites Moore, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Globalization emerges when a hegemon creates and maintains international institutions governing trade and investment for its own benefit.

“Globalization rises when an overwhelmingly powerful country, a “hegemon,” creates and maintains, for its own benefit, sets of international institutions (“regimes”) that govern aspects such as trade and investments”

• cites Keohane, 1980Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

In the co-opetition view, MNEs and foreign governments remain interdependent and have increasingly cooperated on competitiveness improvement over the last three decades, even though competition and bargaining persist.

“While competition or bargaining still holds to fulfill the respective goals of multinational firms and foreign governments, the two parties are interdependent and, in the last three decades, cooperate along competitiveness improvement (Meyer, 2004).”

• cites Meyer, 2004 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Digital technologies reduce costs of communication, coordination, and sharing, thereby bolstering possible collaboration advantages.

“Digital technologies further bolster these possible advantages by reducing costs associated with communication, coordination, and sharing.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Political realism stresses the competitive and conflictual side of international politics.

“Realism, also known as political realism, is a view of international politics that stresses its competitive and conflictual side.”

• cites Mansfield, 1994Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Wight, 1991Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Political liberalism holds that international institutions and interdependence help states reduce conflict and, with proper institutions and diplomacy, maximize prosperity and minimize conflict, with trade and investment facilitating that goal.

“Political liberalism, on the other hand, holds that international institutions play a key role in cooperation among states. With these international institutions, and increasing interdependence (including economic and cultural exchanges), states have the opportunity to reduce conflict.”

• cites Beitz, 1997Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism treats target countries as adversaries, which can cause serious consequences for MNEs from home, host, and third countries.

“However, new techno-nationalism places target countries as adversaries, a stance that can cause serious consequences for multinational enterprises from home, host, and even third countries.8”

May combine two claims.

Cross-border connectivity reduces inter-firm coordination and transaction costs, allowing multinationals to use a global pool of expertise and resources, but techno-nationalistic policies may impede access to that pool.

“As cross-border connectivity, physically and virtually, reduces inter-firm coordination and transaction costs, multinationals take advantage of a global pool of expertise and resources (Farrell & Newman, 2020), but techno-nationalistic policies may impede access to this pool.”

• cites Farrell & Newman, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

Cross-border collaborative activities enhance interoperability between networked products and services, accelerate access to new foreign markets, and lower production and development costs.

“As highlighted by Lessard et al. (2013), cross-border collaborative activities enhance the interoperability between networked products and services, accelerate access to new foreign markets, and lower production and development costs.”

• cites Lessard et al. (2013)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism closely accompanies political realism, portraying the world as competitive and conflictual and holding that states should use their bargaining power even when unethical.

“New techno-nationalism occurs keenly in tandem with the political realism theory in international relations, portraying the world as competing and conflictual and holding that, in response to such zero-sum competition, states should leverage their bargaining power even if not ethical”

• cites Beitz, 1997Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The resurgence of techno-nationalism in 5G, AI, and the internet of things impedes cooperative R&D and could trigger market fragmentation and incompatible standards and norms.

“Research suggests that the resurgence of techno-nationalism in areas such as 5G, AI, and the internet of things impedes cooperative R&D and could trigger both market fragmentation and incompatible standards and norms (BCG, 2019).”

• cites BCG, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Collective actions by MNEs to influence governmental policies require coordination among participating firms and incentives to do so, because firms are idiosyncratic in their contributing power.

“Of note, these collective actions require, on the one hand, coordination among participating firms and, on the other hand, incentives to do so, as firms are idiosyncratic in their contributing power.”

May combine two claims.

Market-coupled MNEs, which are heavily dependent on a foreign market but have low technological coupling with that country, experience moderate exposure to techno-nationalism risks, though potential losses can be enormous depending on the market's revenue contribution.

“Market-coupled MNEs refer to those heavily dependent on the foreign market but with a low level of technological coupling with the country (e.g., Qualcomm or Micron in China, or China’s Xiaomi in India). These firms experience moderate exposure to risks induced by techno-nationalism, yet potential losses can be enormous, conditional upon the revenue contribution of this market to the firm’s total”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: MNE exposure to techno-nationalism can be adequately characterized by levels of market dependence and technology dependence.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable).

Political realism may provide one root cause or deeper reason behind techno-nationalist thinking.

“The political realism philosophy may provide one root cause or a deeper reason behind this line of thought.”

May combine two claims.

Techno-nationalism escalates complexity, uncertainty, and the difficulty of managing globally integrated supply chains.

“Techno-nationalism escalates this complexity and uncertainty as well as the difficulty to manage globally integrated supply chains.”

May combine two claims.

Technologically coupled MNEs are less exposed to new techno-nationalism than tightly coupled ones but remain moderately susceptible to its risks.

“Technologically coupled MNEs stand less exposed to new techno-nationalism than tightly coupled ones, but are still moderately susceptible to its risks.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: MNE exposure to techno-nationalism can be adequately characterized by levels of market dependence and technology dependence.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Political realism depicts nation states as primary agents that maximize or ought to maximize their power and holds that a nation state can only advance its interests against other nations' interests.

“The theory depicts nation states as the primary agents that maximize, or ought to maximize, their power. It holds, too, that a nation state can only advance its interests against the interests of other nations.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

The capacity to innovate and produce advanced technologies relies on international scientific cooperation, movement of people and ideas, and international supply chains.

“However, the capacity to innovate and produce advanced technologies relies on international scientific cooperation, the movement of people and ideas, and international supply chains.”

May combine two claims.

Economic interdependence is mutual and multi-layered, making techno-nationalistic attacks and counterattacks easily vicious and endless.

“Worth noting, economic interdependence is not only mutual but also involves many layers, making techno-nationalistic attacks and counterattacks easily vicious and endless (Rajan, 2018).”

• cites Rajan, 2018Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

New techno-nationalism tends to underestimate unintended consequences in a variety of international businesses from and in many countries.

“Second, new techno-nationalism tends to underestimate unintended consequences in a variety of international businesses from and in a multitude of countries.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism underscores the need to protect a country's own scientific knowledge and hinder other states' innovation capabilities.

“8New techno-nationalism underscores the need to protect a country’s own scientific knowledge and to hinder other states’ innovation capabilities.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Political realism becomes a dictating mindset for new techno-nationalists who use power to fundamentally change geopolitical parameters for many MNEs.

“But it becomes a dictating mindset for new techno-nationalists who use their power to fundamentally change the geopolitical parameters for many MNEs.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Maintaining end-to-end transparency and integrity of the supply chain, such as through IoT or blockchain, enables real-time tracing of goods and digital products, likely becoming critical for compliance with heightened scrutiny and potentially a competitive differentiator amid cybersecurity concerns.

“Maintaining end-to-end transparency and integrity of the supply chain, such as through the internet of things or blockchain, which enables goods and digital products to be traced in real time, will likely become increasingly critical for compliance with heightened scrutiny and could potentially serve as a competitive differentiator in a world with high cybersecurity concerns.”

May combine two claims.

New techno-nationalism is often difficult to hedge and severely affects maintenance of global value chain operations.

“Unfortunately, new techno-nationalism is often difficult to hedge and brings severe impact on maintaining global value chain operations.”

May combine two claims.

Tightly coupled MNEs face amplified contradictions between local laws and global corporate policies under new techno-nationalism, prompting them to split global value chains into different streams requiring unique governance and risk management.

“Tightly coupled MNEs, for instance, face amplified contradictions between local laws and global corporate policies under new techno-nationalism, provoking them to split global value chains into different streams, each requiring unique governance and risk management.”

May combine two claims.

National security concerns have been overly used by new techno-nationalists in today's geopolitical climate, even though the line between economic and security concerns is harder to distinguish than two decades ago.

“While it is true that the line between economic and security concerns is harder to distinguish today than two decades ago, national security concerns have been overly used by new techno-nationalists in today’s geopolitical climate (Farrell & Newman, 2020; Sacks, 2020).”

• cites Farrell & Newman, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Sacks, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Choices of MNE actions may be limited because new techno-nationalism occurs chiefly as geopolitical and ideological stances.

“Yet choices of actions may be limited because new techno-nationalism occurs chiefly as geopolitical and ideological stances.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: New techno-nationalism occurs chiefly as geopolitical and ideological stances rather than as economic or commercial policy.

Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Global value chain governance is largely determined by transaction complexity, the ability to codify and process transactions, and the capabilities of managing supply bases.

“According to Gereffi et al. (2005), global value chain governance is largely determined by the complexity of transactions, the ability to codify and process transactions, and the capabilities of managing supply bases.”

• cites Gereffi et al. (2005) sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

May combine two claims.

MNEs differ in their exposure and responses to risks from techno-nationalism, and international business may fade if new techno-nationalism and other geopolitical disruptions continue.

“As our conceptual framework (Figure 1) illustrates, MNEs differ in their exposure and responses to risks arising from techno-nationalism. The framework suggests that international business may fade if new techno-nationalism and other geopolitical disruptions continue.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: MNE exposure to techno-nationalism can be adequately characterized by levels of market dependence and technology dependence.

May combine two claims.

Relocating one product or value chain activity between countries may be reasonably doable, but relocating many activities is a daunting challenge.

“Relocating one product or one value chain activity between countries may be reasonably doable, but relocating many activities between countries becomes a daunting challenge.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

If market similarity between a target country and alternative countries is abundant, market substitutability is high, lowering market exit and switch costs.

“If abundant market similarity exists between the target country and alternative countries that the firm wants to switch or relocate to, then market substitutability will be high, hence lowering market exit and switch costs.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Techno-nationalism unfolds in two directions: domestically investing in military technologies and blocking non-ally countries from accessing such technologies.

“Techno-nationalism unfolds in two directions: domestically investing in military technologies and blocking non-ally countries from accessing such technologies.”

May combine two claims.

Technological and digital decoupling may benefit some firms in the short term, but its long-term positivity for most international businesses and global stakeholders is difficult to justify.

“In short, technological and digital decoupling may benefit some firms in the short term, but it is difficult to justify its long-term positivity for most international businesses and global stakeholders.”

May combine two claims.

Globalization has not slowed with respect to digital and data flow; cross-border data flow is as strong as ever.

“1Globalization, however, has not slowed down with respect to digital and data flow. The cross-border flow of data is as strong as ever (McKinsey, 2020).”

• cites McKinsey, 2020Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.