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State Repression and Political Order
Abstract
▪ Abstract State repression includes harassment, surveillance/spying, bans, arrests, torture, and mass killing by government agents and/or affiliates within their territorial jurisdiction. Over the past 40 years, the systematic study of state repression has grown considerably. The development of this work, however, has been uneven. Though unified in their focus on the problem of order (i.e., trying to ascertain how political authorities wield coercive power amid potential and actual domestic challengers), different scholars tend to emphasize distinct aspects of the topic. Consequently, a great deal of progress has been made in specific areas but others have lagged behind. In this review, I attempt to identify the dominant traditions in the repression literature, the core empirical findings, and some persisting puzzles.
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“While addressing issues such as computer-related fraud, cyberbullying, and child pornography, 106 it also empowers police to demand disclosure of personal information from ISPs and online content providers.And it has been used multiple times to charge journalists and regular online users for spreading fake news on Facebook and Twitter.107”
From Legalizing control: the rise of restrictive internet regulation in sub-Saharan Africa (2026) · cites this paper as [107]
In the citing paper
“FDI has been shown to supplement domestic savings, facilitate inte gration into the global economy, promote technological development 24 and enhance the material well-being of the middle class. 25”
From Authoritarian collaboration and repression in the digital age: balancing foreign direct investment and control in internet infrastructure (2026) · cites this paper as [24]
In the citing paper
“Repression is a broad concept that historically includes actions or policies that are meant to, or actually do, raise the costs of activism (4, 5).”
From Physical and virtual repertoires of contention (2022) · cites this paper as [5]
In the citing paper
“The lion’s share of this work has focused on violence by local or national police and/or militaries (5).”
From Physical and virtual repertoires of contention (2022) · cites this paper as [5]
In the citing paper
“Over 50 years of research on repression shows that the major predictor of most forms of repression is the extent to which a movement or group is a threat (5, 19, 175).”
From Physical and virtual repertoires of contention (2022) · cites this paper as [5]
In the citing paper
“Other factors known from decades of research on repression, such as the structure of political opportunities (177, 178) and/or the weakness of challengers (5, 19, 175), may also affect digital repression.”
From Physical and virtual repertoires of contention (2022) · cites this paper as [5]
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“See Blattman & Miguel (2009) and Davenport (2007) for reviews on the literature on civil conflict and state repression respectively.”
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“Similar to the law of coercive responsiveness [24], this paper’s literary framework is situated within the repression-dissent nexus – which explores the relationship between repressive (coercive) behaviour and dissident (rebellious) responses [25].”
Trasberg, M. (2021) · Latin American Politics and Society · doi:10.1017/lap.2021.26 · Cited by 7
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Allen, S. H., Ferry, L. L., & Shammama, O. (2023) · Global Studies Quarterly · doi:10.1093/isagsq/ksad007 · Cited by 7
The Dynamics of Mass Mobilization in Belarus
Onuch, O., & Sasse, G. (2023) · Nationalities Papers · doi:10.1017/nps.2023.22 · Cited by 7
Silver, J. R., & Shi, L. (2023) · Socius Sociological Research for a Dynamic World · doi:10.1177/23780231231182908 · Cited by 7
“…the contender’s cost of collective action” (Tilly 1978:100), repression may include “law-and-order” policing of protesters (e.g., Goff et al. 2022), legal bans on protest activities (e.g., Davenport 2007), or punishing individuals who engage in protests (e.g., Barkan 2006), among other responses.”
BackgroundEvaluating the determinants of support for police militarization among officers
Welch, R. M., Mewhirter, J. M., Wright, J. E., & Oh, J. (2023) · Politics & Policy · doi:10.1111/polp.12549 · Cited by 7
Sun, J. (2023) · The Journal of Politics · doi:10.1086/726950 · Cited by 8
“Illustrated by the “ law of coercive responsiveness ” (Davenport 2007a), which tactic from the autocrat ’ s repertoire is employed against the population is often directly linked to the form of resistance mounted by the opposition (Moore 1998).”
BackgroundKwak, S. (2024) · Asian Politics & Policy · doi:10.1111/aspp.12725 · Cited by 9
The Violent Legacy of Fascism: Evidence From Italy
Costalli, S., Guariso, D., Justino, P., & Ruggeri, A. (2024) · Comparative Political Studies · doi:10.1177/00104140241252089 · Cited by 7
“Our work builds on a growing body of research about the legacies of violence and authoritarian regimes on political attitudes, public opinion, and electoral behaviour (e.g., Bernhard & Karakoç, 2007; Darden & Grzymala-Busse, 2006; Dinas & Northmore-Ball, 2020; Neundorf & Pop-Eleches, 2020; Pop-Eleches & Tucker, 2020).”
Lee, J. (2013) · Journal of Contemporary Asia · doi:10.1080/00472336.2013.780470 · Cited by 7
The Dynamics of State-Mobilized Movements
Anderson, A., & Cammett, M. C. (2020) · Cambridge University Press eBooks · doi:10.1017/9781108784146.011 · Cited by 8
Lies or half-truths? Boko Haram’s ideology from a social movement theory perspective
Omeni, A. (2022) · African Security Review · doi:10.1080/10246029.2022.2027253 · Cited by 8
The Effect of Curfews on Political Preferences
Aksoy, D., Menger, A., & Tavits, M. (2022) · Journal of Conflict Resolution · doi:10.1177/00220027221109788 · Cited by 8
“The arguments presented in the literature lead to conflicting expectations about civilian behavior and attitudes (Davenport, 2007, 8).”
BackgroundRepresión policial y grupos de protesta en Chile: Un estudio longitudinal
Medel, R. M., & Somma, N. M. (2022) · Revista de Sociología · doi:10.5354/0719-529x.2022.68149 · Cited by 6
“El enfoque de amenaza pone el acento en la amenaza percibida por los gobiernos por parte de los movimientos sociales (Davenport, 2007).”
BackgroundGerring, J., & Knutsen, C. H. (2022) · American Sociological Review · doi:10.1177/00031224221131758 · Cited by 6
“Yet, states employ their own instruments of violence, typically aimed at dissenters, deviants, and outsiders (Davenport 2007; Foucault [1975] 1991; Goldstein 2013).”
Background
Metadata
- Authors
- Davenport, C.
- Affiliations
- University of Maryland, College Park (US)
- Corresponding author
- Davenport, Christian
- ORCID
- Davenport, Christian
- Venue
- Annual Review of Political Science
- Publisher
- Annual Reviews
- Published
- 2007-06-01
- Volume
- 10
- Issue
- 1
- Pages
- 1-23
- ISSN
- 1094-2939 (ISSN-L)
- 1545-1577
- OpenAlex
- W2149047800
- Cited by
- 1,564
- References
- 96
- Citations by year
- 2026: 65 · 2025: 120 · 2024: 114 · 2023: 140 · 2022: 134 · 2021: 146 · 2020: 189 · 2019: 141 · 2018: 102 · 2017: 71 · 2016: 66 · 2015: 61 · 2014: 55 · 2013: 45 · 2012: 39
- FWCI
- 9.47
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- Annual Review of Political Science (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political Conflict and Governance
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › Memory, violence, and history
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Political Violence
- Keywords
- state repression, political order, coercive power, surveillance, torture, mass murder, arrests, ban, political authority, state-society relations
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