Democratic backsliding disrupted: The role of digitalized resistance in Myanmar

May combine two claims.

Many pro-resistance posts simultaneously serve three or four different purposes, while countermobilization posts rarely attempt to achieve more than two goals at once.

“While many pro-resistance posts simultaneously serve three or four different purposes, such as encouraging people to protest while praising protest participants and making fun of SAC, countermobilization posts rarely attempt to achieve more than two goals at once (Figure 9).”

May combine two claims.

Pro-resistance content (37.9%) is less likely to be removed than pro-military content (62.5%), but similarly as likely as neutral coup-related content (31.3%) to be removed.

“Moreover, we find that pro-resistance content (37.9%) is less likely to be removed than pro-military content (62.5%), but similarly as likely as neutral coup-related content (31.3%) to be removed (Figure 7).”

May combine two claims.

Among coup-related posts, 70.1% are anti-military and only 2.7% are pro-military.

“Among the coup-related posts, 70.1% are anti-military and only 2.7% are pro-military.”

May combine two claims.

Later posts either encouraged people to confidently defy SAC by characterizing its forces as small in number, or commended examples of protest groups in various places who continue rallying despite ongoing crackdowns.

“These later posts either encouraged people to confidently defy SAC by characterizing its forces as small in number, or commended examples of protest groups in various places who continue rallying despite ongoing crackdowns (Figure 15).”

May combine two claims.

Most pro-resistance posts in March merely exposed specific cases of killing or arrests against children, teenagers, and unarmed civilians across localities, while April posts explicitly sought to turn the rising casualties and losses into motivations for a broad-based anti-coup campaign.

“Mirroring one another, while most pro-resistance posts in March merely exposed specific cases of killing or arrests against children, teenagers, and unarmed civilians across localities, April posts explicitly sought to turn the rising casualties and losses into motivations for a broad-based anti-coup campaign.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

One April post implied that the NLD's signing of the UN Global Migration Pact risks Myanmar's national sovereignty because the pact is led by the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) with the intention to facilitate Muslim migration.

“For instance, one April post implied that the NLD's signing of the UN Global Migration Pact risks Myanmar's national sovereignty because the pact is led by the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) with the intention to facilitate Muslim migration.”

May combine two claims.

Our qualitative content analysis demonstrates the resistance's substantive adaptations in rhetoric to strategically discredit SAC as well as inspire and direct anti-coup campaigns on the ground.

“Furthermore, our qualitative content analysis demonstrates the resistance's substantive adaptations in rhetoric to strategically discredit SAC as well as inspire and direct anti-coup campaigns on the ground.”

May combine two claims.

SAC's and its supporters' strategies converged around two main types: discrediting the resistance and praising the military.

“SAC's and its supporters' strategies converged around two main types: discrediting the resistance and praising the military.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

A large number of praises end with similar motivational hashtags to sustain the resistance momentum, e.g. 'We must win every battle' and 'We must all win together.'

“A large number of these praises also end with similar motivational hashtags to sustain the resistance momentum, e.g.“We must win every battle” and “We must all win together.””

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Other posts spread disinformation about the NLD's favoritism of Muslims over Buddhists, claiming the NLD banned Buddhist festivals and closed pagodas during the COVID-19 pandemic while allowing Muslims to gather in mosques.

“Other posts spread disinformation about the NLD's favoritism of Muslims over Buddhists, claiming the NLD banned Buddhist festivals and closed pagodas during the COVID-19 pandemic while allowing Muslims to gather in mosques.”

May combine two claims.

One common pro-military narrative framed the resistance forces as violent and destructive, depicting them as 'terrorists' and 'rioters,' highlighting their attacks-bus burnings, lootings and bombings-and focusing on seizures of military-grade weapons from them.

“One common narrative framed the resistance forces as violent and destructive, depicting them as “terrorists” and “rioters,” highlighting their attacks-bus burnings, lootings and bombings-and focusing on seizures of military-grade weapons from them (Figure 12).”

May combine two claims.

As encouragement and coordination of physical events declined, praises for resistance forces and use of coded language increased.

“As encouragement and coordination of physical events declined, praises for resistance forces and use of coded language increased (Figure 14).”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing).

The narratives the military used to discredit the resistance were tired and static.

“Even the narratives the military used to discredit the resistance were tired and static.”

May combine two claims.

To counter SAC's surveillance, Facebook users persistently circulated digital security advice and increasingly masked their pro-resistance content with similar styles of discreet expressions.

“Moreover, to counter SAC's surveillance, these Facebook users persistently circulated digital security advice and increasingly masked their pro-resistance content with similar styles of discreet expressions.”

May combine two claims.

SAC's limited financial, human and technological resources required resorting to the 'bluntest of censorship instruments to stifle opposition,' ordering night-time Internet outages, banning prominent social media sites, and enacting a draconian cybersecurity law.

“Yet despite now having the incentive to impose broad-based censorship similar to China's”

• cites International Crisis Group 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

These platforms do not have the same reach and impact as Facebook among the Myanmar population as they only gained popularity in 2019 and 2020, years after Myanmar telecom operators already offered Facebook's Free Basics service.

“However, these platforms do not have the same reach and impact as Facebook among the Myanmar population as they only gained popularity in 2019 and 2020, years after Myanmar telecom operators already offered Facebook's Free Basics service (Guest et al., 2021).”

• cites Guest et al., 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The lack of prevalence or sharing of pro-military content on Facebook highlights the platform's marked improvement in content moderation since 2017 and its potential effectiveness.

“Although we cannot precisely assess the timeliness and impact of such removal, the lack of prevalence or sharing of pro-military content on Facebook highlights the platform's marked improvement in content moderation since 2017 and its potential effectiveness.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

In a country where authorities have the capacity to engage in more broad-based digital repression, prior experience in digital activism may lead to some victories, but the scale of the regime's censorship would make regime-destabilizing contention highly unlikely.

“Consequently, in a country where authorities have the capacity to engage in more broad-based digital repression, prior experience in digital activism may lead to some victories, but the scale of the regime's censorship would make regime-destabilizing contention highly unlikely.”

May combine two claims.

The resistance forces dominate social media narratives in terms of both the volume of content and the number of views or interactions.

“Together, these results support our proposition that the resistance forces dominate social media narratives in terms of both the volume of content and the number of views or interactions.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based).

Military supporters' decreased level of activity on Facebook due to the platform's stricter content moderation might explain the stagnation of countermobilization tactics.

“Such stagnation might reflect military supporters' decreased level of activity on Facebook due to the platform's stricter content moderation.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Many military supporters have migrated to other platforms - TikTok, Telegram, and VK - where there were more permissive digital environments for authoritarian propaganda and coordination.

May combine two claims.

Success depends not only on access to the Internet, but also on the activists' prior organizational capacity to counter digital repression.

“Hence, success depends not only on access to the Internet, but also on the activists' prior organizational capacity to counter digital repression.”

May combine two claims.

The availability of free VPNs allowed dissidents to circumvent the ban, and the dependence of the Myanmar population on Facebook as a mode of communication before the coup incentivized broad VPN usage.

“Despite the military's post-coup ban on Facebook, the availability of free VPNs allowed dissidents to circumvent the ban, and the dependence of the Myanmar population on Facebook as a mode of communication before the coup incentivized broad VPN usage.”

• cites Migliano, 2022Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

May combine two claims.

The state had neither the resources nor the political incentives to replicate the draconian model of China's 'Great Firewall'.

“However, the state had neither the resources nor the political incentives to replicate the draconian model of China's”

• cites International Crisis Group, 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Development of digital and hybrid tactics can neither resolve the massive resource disparity between the resistance forces and SAC nor ease the historical inter-ethnic tensions that threaten unity among the anti-coup forces.

“Indeed, development of digital and hybrid tactics can neither resolve the massive resource disparity between the resistance forces and SAC nor ease the historical inter-ethnic tensions that threaten unity among the anti-coup forces.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Resistance forces are more able to effectively and safely employ social media to mobilize and coordinate activism on a nationwide scale over an extended period of time.

“On the other hand, resistance forces are more able to effectively and safely employ social media to mobilize and coordinate activism on a nationwide scale over an extended period of time.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

From Hong Kong to Tunisia to Hungary, as governments seek to centralize power and crack down against dissidents, authoritarianism is gaining grounds with imposition of illiberal laws and violations of international human rights standards.

“From Hong Kong to Tunisia to Hungary, as governments seek to centralize power and crack down against dissidents, authoritarianism is gaining grounds with imposition of illiberal laws and violations of international human rights standards.”

• cites Dunai, 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Human Rights Watch, 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Al Jazeera, 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based). May combine two claims.

Such resistance facilitated the CDM movements' denial of essential labor to SAC, military defections, development of a parallel government in exile, creation of local PDFs, and international support for coordinated sanctions.

“Such resistance facilitated the CDM movements' denial of essential labor to SAC, military defections, development of a parallel government in exile, creation of local PDFs, and international support for coordinated sanctions.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S3 (load-bearing).

Once resistance initiatives flourished across Myanmar, it became more crucial for movement entrepreneurs to recognize and commend these operations in order to sustain resistance momentum.

“however, once resistance initiatives flourished across Myanmar, it became more crucial for movement entrepreneurs to recognize and commend these operations in order to sustain resistance momentum.”

May combine two claims.

The disparity in going-private rates substantiates resistance forces' mutual learning on digital security and affirms the political cause behind their decisions to limit visibility: to either evade SAC's persecution or ensure strategic secrecy of resistance activities.

“Such marked disparity not only substantiates our expectations of resistance forces' mutual learning on digital security but also affirms the political cause behind their decisions to limit the visibility of their members' discussions: to either evade SAC's persecution or ensure the strategic secrecy of their resistance activities.”

May combine two claims.

Autocrats are less able to either completely throttle online civic space or counter-mobilize online.

“On the one hand, autocrats are less able to either completely throttle online civic space or counter-mobilize online.”

May combine two claims.

Digitalized pro-democracy activism predominantly adopts digitally secure repertoires (either online or hybrid) and includes a new substantive issue: resisting digital authoritarian abuse.

“Compared to activism before the digital age, we argue that digitalized pro-democracy activism (a) predominantly adopts digitally secure repertoires (either online or hybrid) and (b) includes a new substantive issue: resisting digital authoritarian abuse (Table 2).”

May combine two claims.

Political elites in these countries employ both online and offline tools to spread disinformation and crush dissent while unable to impose broad-based Internet control, so antigovernment protests there tend to encounter a similar environment as in Myanmar.

“As their political elites are among an expanding group of state leaders who employ both online and offline tools to spread disinformation and crush dissent while unable to impose broad-based Internet control, antigovernment protests there also tend to encounter a similar environment as in Myanmar (Freedom House, 2021a, 2021b;Mozur, 2021).”

• cites Freedom House, 2021aNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Freedom House, 2021bNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Mozur, 2021Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable), S4 (based).

The pre-existing digitalized experience of pro-democracy activists in these countries should play the same role in impeding the more recent attempts of autocratization.

“Hence, the pre-existing digitalized experience of pro-democracy activists in these countries should play the same role in impeding the more recent attempts of autocratization.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Portraying resistance forces as violent terrorists and questioning their commitment to Buddhism and Myanmar national sovereignty are only likely to resonate with a small group of core military supporters.

“Hence, portraying resistance forces as violent terrorists and questioning their commitment to Buddhism and Myanmar national sovereignty are only likely to resonate with a small group of core military supporters.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The military's discrediting narratives in the post-coup period are regurgitated from historical moments of political crisis (1962-2010, 2012-2020).