A People’s Green New Deal: Obstacles and Prospects

It may state two separate claims as one.

Peasant or small farmer agro-ecology pulls CO2 from the atmosphere, and attention-intensive pastoralism can do so too.

“Third, in a bit of historical poetic justice, peasant or small farmer agro-ecology pulls CO 2 from the atmosphere, so can attention-intensive pastoralism.”

• cites Ajl, 2021cNot matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. It may state two separate claims as one.

The green social-democratic response calls for deep domestic redistribution, relies on parliamentary procedures and extra-parliamentary pressure, and a green Marshall Plan for the South.

“Third is a green social-democratic response, calling for deep domestic redistribution, relying on parliamentary procedures and some extra-parliamentary pressure, and a green Marshall Plan of sorts for the South”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it.

The third position is the diffuse social-democratic tendency in the imperial core.

“A third position, the most capacious and blurry, is the diffuse socialdemocratic tendency in the imperial core (Aronoff et al., 2019;Chomsky & Pollin, 2020;Klein, 2019).”

• cites Aronoff et al., 2019Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Chomsky & Pollin, 2020Not checked — no full text of the source
• cites Klein, 2019Not checked — no full text of the source

It may state two separate claims as one.

The national question is central, with different faces in the North and the South.

“The national question is central, with different faces in the North (Patnaik, 2015) and the South.”

• cites Patnaik, 2015 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

It may state two separate claims as one.

This social-democratic position emphasizes care work, borrowing from feminist economics and Northern social reproduction theory, but is blind to the role of peripheral labor in social reproduction on a world scale.

“It emphasizes care work, borrowing from feminist economics and Northern social reproduction theory, although like that theory, it is blind to the role of peripheral labor in social reproduction on a world scale”

• cites Ossome & Naidu, n.d.Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The international state system is the basis for calculating ecological debts in world political fora.

“Indeed, the international state system is the basis for calculating ecological debts in world political fora.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Responses to the crisis essentially fall within four possible camps: far-right, left-liberal, green social-democratic, and radical.

“Responses to the crisis essentially fall within four possible camps.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

This social-democratic position ambiguously calls for grants to the South while muting the Cochabamba Accords, and sometimes outright refuses calls for global energy-use convergence.

“It ambiguously calls for grants to the South while muting the touchstone Cochabamba Accords, and sometimes outright refuses calls for global energy-use convergence (Pollin, 2018).”

• cites Pollin, 2018Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The largest arenas of biodiversity preservation are indigenous-managed.

“Because of that, the largest arenas of biodiversity preservation are indigenous-managed.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The national question's ecological face is climate debt, requiring the restoration to radical developmental thought and practice of its state of the art as achieved in the 2010 meetings in Cochabamba.

“The national question's ecological face is climate debt, requiring the restoration to radical developmental thought and practice of its state of the art as achieved in the 2010 meetings in Cochabamba.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The ecological debt reflects how accumulation on a world scale, including its colonial and settler-colonial underpinnings, occurred alongside unequal access to waste sinks and the biosphere's capacity to absorb and process waste, especially carbon dioxide.

“The ecological debt reflects how accumulation on a world scale, including its colonial and settler-colonial underpinnings, occurred alongside unequal access to waste sinks and the biosphere's capacity to absorb and process all manner of waste, especially carbon dioxide.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Planning on the whole, the right to determine the contours of the future, requires sovereignty, although it cannot be reduced to it.

“And planning on the whole, the right to determine the contours of the future, requires sovereignty, although it cannot be reduced to it.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

Nation-states are the political framework within which accumulation on a world scale can deepen or endure.

“Nation-states are the political framework within which accumulation on a world scale can deepen or endure.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Half-Earth idea forgets that human history is a history of landscape management, and Indigenous peoples are some of the very best guardians of biodiversity.

“This idea, which comes cloaked in red (Robinson, 2018) and even Northern academic production aligned to the northern imperialist agenda (Vettese, 2018), forgets human history is a history of landscape management (Denevan, 1992(Denevan, , 2001), 6 and the Indigenous (Schuster et al., 2019) are some of the very best guardians of biodiversity.”

• cites Denevan, 1992 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Denevan, 2001 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Schuster et al., 2019 sourceCheck pending

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The hierarchical structure of the world-system is based on a sovereignty deficit in other states.

“It simply reflects the hierarchical structure of the world-system, based on a sovereignty deficit in other states.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Agro-ecologically managed lands are more drought-resilient and resilient to flooding because the soil retains moisture.

“Additionally, agro-ecologically managed lands are more droughtresilient and resilient to flooding because the soil retains moisture.”

• cites Altieri & Nicholls, 2017 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Holt-Giménez, 2002 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The fourth, revolutionary solution advocates guaranteed well-being, far smaller core energy use, decommodified access to social needs, and tremendous grants of technology to the Third World through climate debt.

“A fourth, revolutionary solution, to which we now turn, advocates guaranteed well-being, far smaller core energy use, decommodified access to social needs, and tremendous grants of technology to the Third World through climate debt.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

The Cochabamba meetings laid out a five-point program to settle climate debts, including returning occupied atmospheric space, honoring lost development opportunities, climate-induced destruction, adaptation debt, and refusing to wall off the climate crisis from the environmental crisis.

“The Cochabamba meetings laid out a five-point program to settle climate debts.”

• cites Final Conclusions Working Group 8, 2010Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence.

The nation is a central political-social vehicle that carries resistance to oppression.

“In consequence, the nation is a central political-social vehicle that carries resistance to oppression.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The left-liberal response is based on green imperial integration, some level of core redistribution, and some extension of renewable infrastructure for the South, alongside appropriation of peripheral rural wealth.

“Second is a leftliberal response, based on green imperial integration, some level of core redistribution, and some extension of renewable infrastructure for the South, possibly through a commodified extension of renewable energy, alongside appropriation of peripheral rural wealth.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The dominant Green New Deal is Eurocentric and erases an older Northern climate discourse tied to Southern demands for climate reparations and rights to development.

“offering a seeming exit path from Northern social and ecological crises while erasing an older Northern climate discourse tied to Southern demands for climate reparations and rights to development.”

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The most widely supported struggle for justice, Palestine, is that of a nation fighting for land, liberation, and return.

“It is understated that the most widely supported struggle for justice, Palestine, is that of a nation fighting for land, liberation, and return.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Green New Deal in its dominant anti-racist green Keynesian formulation emerges as one resolution to instabilities of US accumulation, environmental crisis, and breakdown of capitalism as a political mode of rule in the core.

“The GND in its dominant anti-racist green Keynesian formulation emerges as one resolution-if not exactly a solution-to these instabilities.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Using land for biofuel growth and planting trees while maintaining existing relations of production will worsen social and ecological outcomes, harming biodiversity, lowering water-tables, displacing smallholders, and reducing land available for smallholder crops.

“Using land for biofuel growth and planting trees while maintaining existing relations of production will worsen social and ecological outcomes, harming biodiversity, lowering water-tables, displacing smallholders, and reducing land available for smallholder crops.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

A renewal of de facto and an achievement of de jure national sovereignty secures the institution that can advocate for, receive, and manage climate debt payments.

“A renewal of de facto and an achievement of de jure national sovereignty, the bulwark behind which peoples can consider and plan for the future, secures the institution that can advocate for, receive, and manage climate debt payments.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

The radical solution is based on widespread decommodification of social reproduction, shrinking of Northern energy use, and payment of climate debt to the periphery, aiming for North-South industrial and developmental convergence with agriculture as a keystone.

“And, fourth is a radical solution, based on widespread decommodification of social reproduction, shrinking of Northern energy use, and payment of climate debt to the periphery, aiming for North-South industrial and developmental convergence with agriculture as a keystone.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Agro-ecological farming can vastly increase yields on marginal lands and in the Third World may only slightly reduce yields on prime land.

“Perhaps equally centrally, agro-ecological farming can vastly increase yields on marginal lands and in the Third World may only slightly reduce yields on prime land.”

• cites Rosset et al., 2011 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The Eurocentric Green New Deal has become the environmental program for an equally Eurocentric social democratic renewal.

“This Eurocentric GND has become the environmental program for an equally Eurocentric social democratic renewal.”

It may state two separate claims as one.

Such shifts would free up surplus for necessary heavy industrialization, especially for reasons of defense, and renewable energy infrastructure, and the creation of national and regional transportation infrastructures.

“Such shifts would free up surplus for necessary heavy industrialization, especially for reasons of defense (Kontorovich, 2015), and renewable energy infrastructure, and the creation of national and regional transportation infrastructures.”

• cites Kontorovich, 2015 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Probably not a substantial claim. The paper’s conclusions may not depend on it. The paper may give no reason why it holds. It may state two separate claims as one.

Politically, this social-democratic position seeks to ride the Markey/AOC Green New Deal, expanding it through diffuse commitments to grassroots internationalism, yet it is silent on the national question.

“Politically, this position seeks to ride the Markey/AOC GND, expanding it through diffuse commitments to grassroots internationalism.Yet, it is silent on the national question.”

Probably not a substantial claim.

The South, including China, would have been able to emit a bit more: 4.4%.

“The South, including China, would have been able to emit a bit more: 4.4%.”

• cites Warlenius (2012)Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The far-right response is based on green imperial integration and capitalist engorgement of remaining un-commodified arenas, above all peasantries, pastoralists, and forest-dwellers.

“First is a far-right response, based on green imperial integration and capitalist engorgement of remaining un-commodified arenas, above all those of peasantries, pastoralists, and forest-dwellers.”

Probably not a substantial claim. It may be too vague to check against evidence. The paper may give no reason why it holds.

The reproduction of Eurocentrism in Green New Deal discussions should not be surprising because the dominant ideology defaults to upholding the international color-class line.

“The reproduction of Eurocentrism in GND discussions should not be surprising, for that reason: the dominant ideology defaults to upholding the international color-class line.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: The dominant ideology defaults to upholding the international color-class line.