Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory
Abstract
knew by heart the forms of the southern clouds at dawn on the 30th of April, 1882, and could compare them in his memory with the mottled streaks on a book in Spanish binding he had only seen once and with the outlines of the foam raised by an oar in the Rio Negro the night before the Quebracho uprising. These memories were not simple ones; each visual image was linked to muscular sensations, thermal sensations, etc. He could reconstruct all his dreams, all his half-dreams. Two or three times he had reconstructed a whole day; he never hesitated, but each reconstruction had required a whole day.3
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These marks may not even be visible unless we focus on specific race-class-gender groups.
“But these marks of the female condition are nevertheless race or class specific-they are not shared by all women, and may not even be visible unless we focus on specific race-class-gender groups.”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
In some ways, women of color are disadvantaged as women of color.
“In some ways, women of color are disadvantaged as women of color; poor women are disadvantaged as poor women.”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
These marks of the female condition are race or class specific-they are not shared by all women.
“But these marks of the female condition are nevertheless race or class specific-they are not shared by all women, and may not even be visible unless we focus on specific race-class-gender groups.”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
Poor women are disadvantaged as poor women.
“In some ways, women of color are disadvantaged as women of color; poor women are disadvantaged as poor women.”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
We cannot understand the ways that women are disadvantaged as women nor the ways that people of color are oppressed unless we examine the ways these structures interact.
“Indeed, theorists of intersectionality insist that we cannot understand the ways that women are disadvantaged as women nor the ways that people of color are oppressed unless we examine the ways these structures interact.”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
Certain aspects of social inequality, certain social problems and injustices, will not be visible as long as we focus on gender, race and class separately.
“Specifically, they claim that certain aspects of social inequality, certain social problems and injustices, will not be visible as long as we focus on gender, race and class separately (Collins 1990;Crenshaw 1991;Harris 1990;Hurtado 1989;Roth 2004).”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
Group-specific experiences reveal aspects of gender structure that are important for understanding the overall social context.
“Moreover, these group-specific experiences reveal aspects of gender structure that are important for understanding the overall social context (Collins 1990(Collins , 1998;;Crenshaw 1991;Harris 1990;Hooks 1981Hooks , 2000;;Hurtado 1989).”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
An account that focuses only on gender will not be able to provide a full reckoning of the ways that women are disadvantaged.
“Feminist scholars of color have argued convincingly that an account that focuses only on gender will not be able to provide a full reckoning of the ways that women are disadvantaged:”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
Intersectional effects are by definition effects that cannot be derived as any function of gender, race, and class considered independently.
“But it is important to note that intersectional effects are by definition effects that cannot be derived as any function of gender, race, and class considered independently (Crenshaw 1991;Harris 1990).”
From The Structure of Intersectionality: A Comparative Politics of Gender (2006) · cites this paper as Harris 1990
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- Authors
- Harris, A. P.
- Corresponding author
- Harris, Angela P.
- ORCID
- Harris, Angela P.
- Venue
- Stanford Law Review
- Publisher
- JSTOR
- Published
- 1990-02
- Volume
- 42
- Issue
- 3
- Pages
- 581
- ISSN
- 0038-9765 (ISSN-L)
- OpenAlex
- W177543178
- Cited by
- 740
- References
- 0
- Citations by year
- 2026: 36 · 2025: 9 · 2024: 29 · 2023: 31 · 2022: 40 · 2021: 51 · 2020: 27 · 2019: 45 · 2018: 22 · 2017: 30 · 2016: 32 · 2015: 26 · 2014: 37 · 2013: 23 · 2012: 21
- FWCI
- 12.29
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- Stanford Law Review (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Gender Studies › Feminism, Gender, and Sexuality Studies
- Social Sciences › Law › Discrimination and Equality Law
- Social Sciences › Gender Studies › Feminist Theory and Gender Studies
- Keywords
- race, essentialism, feminist legal theory, race and gender
About these checks
Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.
Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.
Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.
What counts as a claim ›How we measure confidence ›How we check this ›
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