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Affective Polarization and Ideological Sorting: A Reciprocal, Albeit Weak, Relationship
Abstract
American partisans are far more hostile towards out-party members than they were 40 years ago. While this phenomenon, often called affective polarization, is well-documented, political scientists disagree on its cause. One group of scholars believes that affective polarization is driven by processes related to social identity theory. In particular, cross-cutting identities have declined in America, and toxic political communication continuously primes partisan identities and resentment. Recently, several scholars have pointed to another phenomenon as the root cause of affective polarization: partisan sorting, i.e. the alignment of partisan identities with ideologically consistent issue positions. I review evidence in favor of each claim, and provide additional evidence that affective polarization has increased about as much among those who are not sorted as among those who are sorted. Furthermore, while sorting is only related to affective polarization among the most politically knowledgeable, affective polarization has increased across all levels of political knowledge. Finally, affective polarization may also increase sorting, further complicating any clear cut causal relationship.
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“Furthermore, over the past 40 years, affective polarization-as measured by feeling thermometer differences-increased by about the same amount among those who held the most ideologically consistent issue positions as among those who held the least ideologically consistent issue positions (Lelkes 2018).”
From The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States (2019) · cites this paper as Lelkes 2018
In the citing paper
“the relationship is weak, with sorting accounting for only about 5% of the variance in affective polarization (Lelkes 2018, Mason 2018a).”
From The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States (2019) · cites this paper as Lelkes 2018
In the citing paper
“Moreover, longitudinal research demonstrated that ideological consistency at time 1 predicted affective polarization at time 2, and affective polarization at time 1 predicted ideological consistency at time 2, all other things being equal82,87.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [87]
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The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States
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Metadata
- Authors
- Lelkes, Y.
- Affiliations
- Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania , 3620 Walnut Street , Philadelphia, PA , USA
- Venue
- The Forum
- Publisher
- Walter de Gruyter GmbH
- Published
- 2018-04-01
- Volume
- 16
- Issue
- 1
- Pages
- 67-79
- ISSN
- 1540-8884 (ISSN-L)
- 2194-6183
- OpenAlex
- W2892753038
- Cited by
- 132
- References
- 49
- Citations by year
- 2026: 14 · 2025: 26 · 2024: 9 · 2023: 10 · 2022: 40 · 2021: 16 · 2020: 13 · 2019: 3 · 2018: 1
- FWCI
- 35.90
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- The Forum (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Media Influence and Politics
- Social Sciences › Communication › Social Media and Politics
- Keywords
- affective polarization, partisan sorting, partisan identity, social identity theory, political communication, political knowledge, ideological consistency
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