Is Polarization a Myth?
Abstract
This article uses data from the American National Election Studies and national exit polls to test Fiorina's assertion that ideological polarization in the American public is a myth. Fiorina argues that twenty-first-century Americans, like the midtwentieth-century Americans described by Converse, “are not very well-informed about politics, do not hold many of their views very strongly, and are not ideological” (2006, 19). However, our evidence indicates that since the 1970s, ideological polarization has increased dramatically among the mass public in the United States as well as among political elites. There are now large differences in outlook between Democrats and Republicans, between red state voters and blue state voters, and between religious voters and secular voters. These divisions are not confined to a small minority of activists—they involve a large segment of the public and the deepest divisions are found among the most interested, informed, and active citizens. Moreover, contrary to Fiorina's suggestion that polarization turns off voters and depresses turnout, our evidence indicates that polarization energizes the electorate and stimulates political participation.
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Democrats and Republicans have polarized in their attitudes (ideological polarization).
“citizens who identify as a Democrat have become more liberal while Republicans have become more conservative (Abramowitz and Saunders, 2008).”
From Factual belief polarization between Democrats and Republicans: source or epiphenomenon of ideological and affective polarization? (2024) · cites this paper as Abramowitz and Saunders, 2008
The literature on mass political polarization in the USA has yielded mixed findings about whether ordinary citizens are deeply divided, whether polarization threatens democratic functioning, and the nature of the threat.
“The body of literature on mass political polarization in the USA has yielded mixed findings: ordinary citizens are deeply divided9,31,35,41–49 or they are not10,29,36,50–54; polarization poses a huge threat to democratic functioning3,11,55, is not a problem at all13,56–58 or the nature of the threat is ambiguous7,59,60.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [41]
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- Authors
- Abramowitz, A. I., & Saunders, K. L.
- Affiliations
- Emory University (US)
- Colorado State University (US)
- Venue
- The Journal of Politics
- Publisher
- University of Chicago Press
- Published
- 2008-04
- Volume
- 70
- Issue
- 2
- Pages
- 542-555
- ISSN
- 0022-3816 (ISSN-L)
- 1468-2508
- OpenAlex
- W2103146267
- Cited by
- 1,308
- References
- 2
- Citations by year
- 2026: 58 · 2025: 108 · 2024: 101 · 2023: 103 · 2022: 127 · 2021: 106 · 2020: 99 · 2019: 92 · 2018: 85 · 2017: 74 · 2016: 68 · 2015: 84 · 2014: 60 · 2013: 40 · 2012: 34
- FWCI
- 145.02
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- The Journal of Politics (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › American Political and Social Dynamics
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Media Influence and Politics
- Keywords
- ideological polarization, public opinion, political attitudes, political participation, voter turnout, partisanship, religious voters, political elites, political information
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