Partisans without Constraint: Political Polarization and Trends in American Public Opinion
Abstract
Public opinion polarization is here conceived as a process of alignment along multiple lines of potential disagreement and measured as growing constraint in individuals' preferences. Using NES data from 1972 to 2004, the authors model trends in issue partisanship—the correlation of issue attitudes with party identification—and issue alignment—the correlation between pairs of issues—and find a substantive increase in issue partisanship, but little evidence of issue alignment. The findings suggest that opinion changes correspond more to a resorting of party labels among voters than to greater constraint on issue attitudes: since parties are more polarized, they are now better at sorting individuals along ideological lines. Levels of constraint vary across population subgroups: strong partisans and wealthier and politically sophisticated voters have grown more coherent in their beliefs. The authors discuss the consequences of partisan realignment and group sorting on the political process and potential deviations from the classic pluralistic account of American politics.
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Increasing the number of dimensions expands polarization into additional distinct senses, such as the correlation of attitudes across multiple issue dimensions, which are only sensible for higher-dimensional data.
“Furthermore, increasing the number of dimensions also expands polarization into additional distinct senses; i.e., there are types of polarization (such as the correlation of attitudes across multiple issue dimensions (Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008;Fiorina et al., 2010)) that are only sensible for higher-dimensional data.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
Previous work on polarization often fails to systematically distinguish the specific ways in which polarization is realized.
“Occurrences of polarization frequently appear in the sociology and political science literature (Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008;Bartels, 2000;Brownstein, 2007;DiMaggio, Evans, & Bryson, 1996;Fiorina, Abrams, & Pope, 2010;Hetherington & Weiler, 2009;Hunter, 1991;McCarty, Poole, & Rosenthal, 2008), but the specific ways in which polarization is realized are not systematically distinguished.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
Democrats have lost constraint on economic and civil rights issues and become a bit more coherent in their moral views.
“In fact, Republicans have become more consistent on economic and civil rights issues, while Democrats have lost constraint on these issues and become a bit more coherent in their moral views.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
In both groups of voters, the constraint is growing faster than in the populace as a whole.
“In both groups of voters, the constraint is growing faster than in the populace as a whole”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
Republicans have become more consistent on economic and civil rights issues.
“In fact, Republicans have become more consistent on economic and civil rights issues, while Democrats have lost constraint on these issues and become a bit more coherent in their moral views.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
Baldassarri and Gelman further note increased consensus among voters in terms of particular issue domains.
“Baldassarri and Gelman further note increased consensus among voters in terms of particular issue domains.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
Baldassarri and Gelman found clear evidence of increasing constraint within issue domains among Republican and Democratic voters, especially among Republicans.
“Looking separately at trends among Republican and Democratic voters we find clear evidence of increasing constraint within issue domains, especially among Republicans.”
From Disambiguation of social polarization concepts and measures (2016) · cites this paper as Baldassarri & Gelman, 2008
The extent to which elite-level polarization has influenced the belief systems of ordinary citizens remains a matter of debate.
“At the same time, the extent to which elite-level polarization has influenced the belief systems of ordinary citizens remains a matter of debate8,27,35–40.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [8]
Sometimes multiple lines of potential disagreement in society become highly overlapping, aligned or consolidated, reducing multiple potential cleavages to a single dimension that dominates political relations.
“Sometimes multiple lines of potential disagreement in society become highly overlapping, aligned or consolidated. In these cases, multiple potential cleavages might be reduced to a single dimension that comes to dominate political relations8,72,77,78.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [8]
Polarization along party lines in the United States is on the rise, and the 2016 elections deepened the divide.
“Polarization along party lines in the United States is on the rise2, and 2016 elections have deepen the divide3.”
From No echo in the chambers of political interactions on Reddit (2021) · cites this paper as [2]
Heterogeneous and bimodal distributions of opinions have been measured in political surveys, especially on controversial issues.
“However, this prediction is not always confirmed empirically: heterogeneous and bimodal distributions of opinions have been measured in political surveys [6, 7], especially on controversial issues, like abortion or global warming [8, 9].”
From Modeling echo chambers and polarization dynamics in social networks (2020) · cites this paper as [6]
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- Authors
- Baldassarri, D., & Gelman, A.
- Affiliations
- Princeton University (US)
- Columbia University (US)
- Venue
- American Journal of Sociology
- Publisher
- University of Chicago Press
- Published
- 2008-09
- Volume
- 114
- Issue
- 2
- Pages
- 408-446
- ISSN
- 0002-9602 (ISSN-L)
- 1537-5390
- OpenAlex
- W3125647857
- Semantic Scholar
- 35ed340b12c10a5a66504cb2396800486fa5aa26
- Cited by
- 874
- References
- 74
- Citations by year
- 2026: 46 · 2025: 92 · 2024: 73 · 2023: 64 · 2022: 77 · 2021: 77 · 2020: 80 · 2019: 79 · 2018: 59 · 2017: 41 · 2016: 33 · 2015: 38 · 2014: 29 · 2013: 15 · 2012: 29
- FWCI
- 87.59
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- American Journal of Sociology (publishedVersion)
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Media Influence and Politics
- Social Sciences › Arts and Humanities › History › American Political and Social Dynamics
- Keywords
- political polarization, public opinion trends, party identification, ideological sorting, party realignment, political sophistication
About these checks
Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.
Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.
Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.
What counts as a claim ›How we measure confidence ›How we check this ›
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