Polarization and the Global Crisis of Democracy: Common Patterns, Dynamics, and Pernicious Consequences for Democratic Polities
Abstract
This article argues that a common pattern and set of dynamics characterizes severe political and societal polarization in different contexts around the world, with pernicious consequences for democracy. Moving beyond the conventional conceptualization of polarization as ideological distance between political parties and candidates, we offer a conceptualization of polarization highlighting its inherently relational nature and its instrumental political use. Polarization is a process whereby the normal multiplicity of differences in a society increasingly align along a single dimension and people increasingly perceive and describe politics and society in terms of “Us” versus “Them.” The politics and discourse of opposition and the social–psychological intergroup conflict dynamics produced by this alignment are a main source of the risks polarization generates for democracy, although we recognize that it can also produce opportunities for democracy. We argue that contemporary examples of polarization follow a frequent pattern whereby polarization is activated when major groups in society mobilize politically to achieve fundamental changes in structures, institutions, and power relations. Hence, newly constructed cleavages are appearing that underlie polarization and are not easily measured with the conventional Left–Right ideological scale. We identify three possible negative outcomes for democracy—“gridlock and careening,” “democratic erosion or collapse under new elites and do…
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Severe divisions within societies can undermine democratic processes and subvert democratic accountability and thus increase corruption.
“However, severe divisions within societies can also undermine democratic processes and subvert democratic accountability (Levitsky & Ziblatt, 2018;McCoy et al., 2018) and thus increase corruption.”
From Political polarization and corruption: A theoretical and empirical review (2024) · cites this paper as McCoy et al., 2018
Severe affective or pernicious polarization inflates animosity between opposing groups and the perceived stakes of political rivalry.
“animosity between opposing groups and the perceived stakes of the political rivalry inflate”
From Political polarization and corruption: A theoretical and empirical review (2024) · cites this paper as McCoy et al., 2018
Intense conflict might arise when many possible differences of opinion reduce to a single 'us versus them' dimension.
“Intense conflict might arise when many possible differences of opinion reduce to a single ‘us versus them’ dimension11.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [11]
All of this parallels polarization trends in other regions, including Europe, the Middle East, and Latin America.
“All of this parallels polarization trends in other regions, including Europe338, the Middle East11, and Latin America11.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [11]
Polarization led parties in power to enact constitutional reforms to consolidate their power in Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela, whereas power grabs in the USA occurred through the violation of democratic norms and refusal to compromise.
“For instance, polarization led parties in power to enact constitutional reforms to consolidate their power in Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela, whereas power grabs in the USA occurred through the violation of democratic norms and refusal to compromise11.”
From Cognitive–motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts (2022) · cites this paper as [11]
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“, 2019), eroding trust in democratic institutions (Torcal and Carty, 2022), and leading to the legitimization of autocratic tendencies to keep mistrusted groups away from political influence (Garrett et al., 2014; Mason, 2016; McCoy et al., 2018).”
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- Authors
- McCoy, J., Rahman, T., & Somer, M.
- Affiliations
- Georgia State University (US)
- Koç University (TR)
- Corresponding author
- McCoy, Jennifer
- Venue
- American Behavioral Scientist
- Publisher
- SAGE Publications
- Published
- 2018-01
- Volume
- 62
- Issue
- 1
- Pages
- 16-42
- ISSN
- 0002-7642 (ISSN-L)
- 1552-3381
- OpenAlex
- W2792378751
- Semantic Scholar
- a1d993da220bf167ab7e229051a3ceac74edb42e
- Cited by
- 1,023
- References
- 94
- Citations by year
- 2026: 188 · 2025: 207 · 2024: 143 · 2023: 142 · 2022: 130 · 2021: 104 · 2020: 59 · 2019: 30 · 2018: 20
- FWCI
- 230.05
- Type
- journal article
- Language
- en
- Open access
- closed
- Locations
- American Behavioral Scientist (publishedVersion)
- Funders
- Georgia State University
- Topics
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Political Theory and Democracy
- Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
- Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Political Conflict and Governance
- Keywords
- political polarization, democratic backsliding, collapse of democracy, intergroup conflict, us versus them, political opposition, gridlock, authoritarianism, democratic reform, Hungary, United States, Turkey, Venezuela
About these checks
Registry, retraction, Cites and statistics results are computed, not judged, with one exception: a printed reference that no index lists is read once by a model before it counts as a citation error. Claims are extracted by a model and kept only when their quote appears verbatim in the text; each cited source is then checked, with a model’s help, for whether it says what the claim relies on. Those verdicts can be wrong — read the claim’s quote and the cited source before relying on one.
Statistics and arithmetic are recomputed, not judged.
Confidence bands are shown only for fields calibrated on our annotated test set. None is calibrated yet, so no band is shown.
What counts as a claim ›How we measure confidence ›How we check this ›
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