Intersectionality and Press Coverage of Political Campaigns

The presence of news frames that highlight female politicians' gender has been well documented internationally.

“The presence of news frames that highlight female politicians’ gender has been well documented internationally (inter alia, Campbell and Childs 2010;Campus 2013;Falk 2013;Garcia-Blanco and Wahl-Jorgensen 2012;Heldman et al. 2005;Ross et al. 2013;Sreberny-Mohammadi and Ross 1996).”

• cites Campbell and Childs 2010 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Campus 2013 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Ross et al. 2013 sourceSupported

At the 2010 general election, the explicit gender frame continued to highlight women's difference, ensuring that the role of politician continues to be codified as male.

“At the 2010 general election, the explicit gender frame continued to highlight women’s difference, ensuring “that the role of politician continues to be codified as male” (Ross et al. 2013: 7).”

• cites Ross et al. 2013 sourceSupported

Ross et al. (2013) found that only 29 percent of national newspaper articles covering the British 2010 general election mentioned one or more females.

“Ross et al. (2013) found that only 29 percent of national newspaper articles covering the British 2010 general election mentioned one or more females.”

• cites Ross et al. 2013 sourceSupported

BAME female candidates enjoyed a visibility advantage compared with white female candidates in national newspaper coverage of the 2010 U.K. general election.

“While they arguably enjoyed a visibility advantage compared with white female candidates, their coverage was also exceptionally negative and narrowly focused on their ethnicity and gender.”

Previously identified racial or gendered patterns in coverage of predominantly white women and minority men do not provide a fully accurate description of press treatment of BAME female candidates in the U.K. 2010 general election.

“Taking the U.K. 2010 general election as a case study, I find that “racial” or “gendered” patterns previously identified in coverage of predominantly white women and minority men do not provide a fully accurate description of press treatment of BAME female candidates.”

Diane Abbott received the most coverage among BAME women, with thirty-eight name mentions.

“At the other end of the spectrum, Diane Abbott received the most coverage among BAME women, with thirty-eight name mentions.”

Coverage of BAME female candidates in the 2010 U.K. general election was narrowly focused on their ethnicity and gender.

“While they arguably enjoyed a visibility advantage compared with white female candidates, their coverage was also exceptionally negative and narrowly focused on their ethnicity and gender.”

The vast majority of articles were coded as neutral/balanced.

“First, the vast majority of articles were coded as neutral/balanced.”

White female candidates received only four name mentions on average, less than half the coverage BAME women received, whose names were mentioned nine times on average, holding all other variables constant.

“The marginal effects indicate that white female candidates received only four name mentions on average, less than half the coverage BAME women received, whose names were mentioned nine times on average, holding all other variables constant.”

Coverage of BAME female candidates in the 2010 U.K. general election was exceptionally negative.

“While they arguably enjoyed a visibility advantage compared with white female candidates, their coverage was also exceptionally negative and narrowly focused on their ethnicity and gender.”

Positive and significant coefficients for white women and men in Table 4 show that coverage of both groups was more positive on average than that of BAME female candidates, holding all other variables constant.

“The positive and significant coefficients for white women and men in Table 4 show that coverage of both groups was more positive on average than that of BAME female candidates, holding all other variables constant.”

Press coverage of BAME female candidates at the 2010 U.K. general election subjected them to exceptional scrutiny regarding their credentials and ability to transform politics.

“While headlines celebrated the possibility of a “small revolution” resulting in “the most diverse parliament ever,” the press also subjected BAME female candidates to exceptional scrutiny regarding their credentials and ability to “transform politics.””

The nonsignificant coefficient for BAME men indicates that contrary to Hypothesis 2, there were no significant differences in the tone of coverage of BAME women and men.

“However, the nonsignificant coefficient for BAME men indicates that contrary to the hypothesis, there were no significant differences in the tone of coverage of BAME women and men.”

Coverage of BAME women is almost half as likely to be positive as that of white women at just eight of every hundred articles compared with fourteen.

“Similarly, coverage of BAME women is almost half as likely to be positive as that of white women at just eight of every hundred articles compared with fourteen.”

With BAME women as baseline, only the coefficient for white women is significant in the quantity of coverage model.

“With BAME women as the baseline category, only the coefficient for white women is significant (see Table 3).”

This quantitative analysis demonstrates broad intersectional patterns in coverage.

“while this quantitative analysis demonstrates broad intersectional patterns in coverage”

Discussion of BAME female challengers' collective historic gains that went beyond the 'first' moniker was typically positive.

“Discussion of BAME female challengers' collective historic gains that went beyond the”

BAME women are explicitly gendered in forty-four of every 100 articles on average, compared with just nine for white women, holding other factors constant.

“The results shown in Table 6 strongly support the hypothesis that explicit foregrounding of gender would be more likely in coverage of BAME than white women: BAME women are explicitly gendered in forty-four of every 100 articles on average, compared with just nine for white women, holding other factors constant.”

Coverage of BAME female challengers' collective historic gains was usually couched in terms of gender or ethnic diversity.

“However, this was usually couched in terms of gender or ethnic diversity, and rarely made reference to BAME women as a specific group.”

Coverage of BAME female challengers' collective historic gains rarely made reference to BAME women as a specific group.

“However, this was usually couched in terms of gender or ethnic diversity, and rarely made reference to BAME women as a specific group.”

Individual profiles of BAME women often raised questions regarding their competency and legitimacy as candidates, particularly when their identity was explicitly foregrounded.

“Furthermore, individual profiles of BAME women often raised questions regarding their competency and legitimacy as candidates, particularly when their identity was explicitly foregrounded.”

Much of the explicit gendering of BAME women during the campaign resulted from ostensibly positive intersectional first frames: first Muslim women; first Asian woman; first minority ethnic Conservative woman.

“Much of the explicit gendering of BAME women during the campaign resulted from ostensibly positive intersectional first frames: “first Muslim women”; “first Asian woman”; “first minority ethnic Conservative woman.””

Stark intersectional differences emerge regarding the likelihood of coverage that explicitly highlights the gender or race of female and/or BAME candidates.

“Stark intersectional differences emerge regarding the likelihood of coverage that explicitly highlights the gender or race of female and/or BAME candidates.”

The excitement surrounding BAME women as intersectional firsts was countered by the pervasive frame of co-option, particularly for Conservative women.

“The excitement surrounding BAME women as intersectional firsts was also countered by the pervasive frame of co-option, particularly for Conservative women who it was asserted had been”

The extensive focus on BAME women's racial and gendered identities in press coverage was sometimes in direct contrast to candidates' own self-presentations and campaign strategies.

“The extensive focus on BAME women's racial and gendered identities was sometimes in direct contrast to candidates' own self-presentations and campaign strategies.”

Reference to the historical underrepresentation of women and minorities, and long-standing work to remedy this by organizations within and beyond political parties, was notably absent across publications of all political allegiances.

“In contrast, reference to the historical underrepresentation of women and minorities, and long-standing work to remedy this by organizations both within and beyond political parties (for example, Women2Win, Labour Women's Network, Emily's List, 50:50 Coalition, Operation Black Vote) was notably absent across publications of all political allegiances.”

The likelihood of racial or gender foregrounding is higher for challengers than long-standing MPs who enjoy an incumbency advantage in gaining reelection.

“This is particularly important because the likelihood of racial or gender foregrounding is higher for challengers than long-standing MPs who enjoy an incumbency advantage in gaining reelection.”

High circulating and mid-market publications were far less likely to portray BAME women positively than broadsheets with smaller readerships.

“Furthermore, high circulating and mid-market publications were far less likely to portray BAME women positively than broadsheets with smaller readerships.”

References to the identities of BAME female candidates as individuals are often associated with enhanced scrutiny of their credentials.

“references to the identities of BAME female candidates as individuals are often associated with enhanced scrutiny of their credentials.”

The proportions of articles mentioning Diane Abbott's race and gender are far smaller than for BAME women overall.

“While these proportions are arguably still high, they are far smaller than for BAME women overall.”

Descriptively, the comparison of race highlighting was 31 percent for BAME men to 50 percent for BAME women.

“Descriptively, the comparison was 31 percent to 50 percent, respectively.”

News frames focusing on the overall increase in numbers of female and/or BAME candidates were, on the whole, positive.

“although news frames focusing on the overall increase in numbers of female and/or BAME candidates were, on the whole, positive”

BAME women were more likely to represent Labour: 80% of BAME women compared with 46% of BAME men, 63% of white women, and 40% of white men.

“Second, BAME women were more likely to represent Labour: 80 percent of BAME women compared with 46 percent of BAME men, 63 percent of white women, and just 40 percent of white men.”

BAME women were far less likely to be incumbents than other groups: 13% of viable BAME women compared with 35% of BAME men, 39% of white women, and 56% of white men.

“First, due to the historical lack of BAME female MPs, BAME women were far less likely to be incumbents: just 13 percent of viable BAME women compared with 35 percent of BAME men, 39 percent of white women, and 56 percent of white men.”

Polling suggests that a third of the British electorate remains uncomfortable with the idea of a minority ethnic prime minister.

“polling suggests that a third of the British electorate remains uncomfortable with the idea of a minority ethnic prime minister.6”

Accounting for contextual factors is necessary to assert that gendered and/or racial differences in campaign coverage result from differential treatment by the press.

“This highlights the necessity of accounting for the effects of contextual factors on campaign coverage if we are to assert that gendered and/or racial differences do, indeed, result from differential treatment by the press.”

Gershon (2012) found that when combined effects of race and gender are considered and campaign, media, and candidate factors are controlled for, significant cleavages emerge among minority ethnic and white women in U.S. local newspaper coverage.

“Gershon (2012) has found that when the combined effects of race and gender are considered, and campaign, media, and candidate factors are controlled for, significant cleavages emerge among minority ethnic and white women.”

• cites Gershon 2012 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Single-axis analyses of politicians' race, gender, or other identity axes are insufficient to capture their combined effects on press coverage of politics as national legislatures become increasingly diverse.

“I argue that as national legislatures become increasingly diverse, single axis analyses of the effects of politicians’ race, gender, or other axes of identity are insufficient to capture their combined effects on press coverage of politics.”

The double novelty of race and gender in the context of the 2010 general election appears to have resulted in a visibility advantage for BAME women over comparable white female counterparts.

“Thus, the double novelty of race and gender in the context of the 2010 general election appears to have resulted in something of a visibility advantage for BAME women over comparable white female counterparts.”

In the United States, explicit references to the race of minority ethnic candidates pervade their coverage.

“Similarly, in the United States, explicit references to the race of minority ethnic candidates pervade their coverage (Caliendo and McIlwain 2006;e.g., Clay 1992;Denis Wu and Lee 2005;Larson 2006;Niven and Zilber 1996;Reeves 1997).”

• cites Caliendo and McIlwain 2006 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Niven and Zilber 1996Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

• cites Reeves 1997Not matched

  Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

Gendered patterns of press scrutiny are disadvantageous to women in politics internationally.

“A substantial body of international findings shows that gendered patterns of press scrutiny are disadvantageous to women in politics (for a review, see Campus 2013).”

• cites Campus 2013 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Single-axis studies that subsume minority women within the categories of minorities or women risk obscuring the experiences of the most marginalized and underrepresented within these groups.

“Indeed, by subsuming minority women within the categories of “minorities” or “women,” single axis studies risk obscuring the experiences of the most marginalized and underrepresented within these groups.”

More coverage may not be an advantage if that coverage is also more likely to be critical.

“This is especially troubling in the context of BAME women’s visibility: More coverage may not be an advantage if that coverage is also more likely to be critical.”

Findings from the United Kingdom and elsewhere indicate a consistent gender gap in politicians' visibility both during and between elections.

“Findings from the United Kingdom and elsewhere indicate a consistent gender gap in politicians’ visibility both during and between elections (Adcock 2010;Banwart et al. 2003;Braden 1996;Campbell and Childs 2010;Gidengil and Everitt 2003;Heldman et al. 2005;Kahn 1994; Kahn and Goldenberg 1991;O’Neill et al. 2016;Ross 2002).”

• cites Adcock 2010 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Banwart et al. 2003 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Kahn 1994 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Existing intersectional analyses of press coverage of political campaigns are extremely scarce.

“While existing intersectional analyses provide important methodological precedents, they are extremely scarce (Gershon 2012;Tolley 2015).”

• cites Gershon 2012 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Tolley 2015 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

National newspaper coverage of the 2010 U.K. general election persisted in treating women unfavorably.

“national newspaper coverage of the 2010 election persisted in treating women unfavorably (Campbell and Childs 2010;Harmer and Wring 2013;Mavin et al. 2010;Ross et al. 2013).”

• cites Campbell and Childs 2010 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Harmer and Wring 2013 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Mavin et al. 2010 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

When considered in light of similar findings from the United States and Canada, the findings suggest that the exceptional disadvantages faced by minority women on the campaign trail are not country specific.

“Furthermore, when considered in the light of similar findings from the United States and Canada (Gershon, 2012;Tolley 2015), they suggest that the exceptional disadvantages faced by minority women on the campaign trail are not country specific.”

• cites Gershon, 2012 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Tolley 2015 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source

Images of the new cohort as signs of progress, bringing with them the promise of substantive representation and increased engagement in politics among underrepresented groups, are problematic.

“However, images of the new cohort as signs of progress, bringing with them the promise of substantive representation and increased engagement in politics among underrepresented groups, are problematic.”

There is growing evidence that systematic variation in coverage among women may go beyond national borders.

“Just as comparative single axis studies have demonstrated that female politicians in the aggregate face gendered bias by the press internationally (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008;Ross 2002), there is growing evidence that systematic variation in coverage among women may go beyond national borders.”

• cites Kittilson and Fridkin 2008 sourceNot checked — no full text of the source
• cites Ross 2002Not checked — no full text of the source

If Abbott's coverage is removed from the model, the negative coefficient for white women remains significant at p < .05.

“If Abbott's coverage is removed from the model, the negative coefficient for white women remains significant at p < .05.”

Intersectional approaches that consider multiple identity categories are necessary to provide nuanced analyses of press coverage of political actors, given the substantial variation in coverage of women of different racial identities.

“First, they demonstrate that intersectional approaches that consider multiple identity categories are necessary to provide nuanced analyses of press coverage of political actors, given the substantial variation in coverage of women of different racial identities.”