Cited by 4Electoral Systems and Political ParticipationSocial and Intergroup PsychologyMedia Influence and Politics

Factual belief polarization between Democrats and Republicans: source or epiphenomenon of ideological and affective polarization?

Open access
Rekker, Roderik·2024·Frontiers in Political Science

Published version of a preprint

Abstract

Democrats and Republicans have polarized in their attitudes (i.e., ideological polarization) and their feelings toward each other (i.e., affective polarization). Simultaneously, both groups also seem to diverge in their factual beliefs about reality. This preregistered survey experiment among 2,253 American citizens examined how this factual belief polarization may or may not fuel ideological and affective polarization around four key issues: income differences, immigration, climate change, and defense spending. On all issues except immigration, Democrats and Republicans were equally or more divided in their factual beliefs about the present than in their ideals for the future. Corrective information decreased partisan polarization over some ideals, but not directional policy attitudes. Priming respondents' factual beliefs conversely increased polarization around defense spending, but not other issues. Much remains unclear about the complex relation between factual beliefs and polarization, but measuring ideals and priming beliefs could be promising avenues for future research.

AI snapshot

Written from the paper’s full text.

TL;DR

This preregistered survey experiment with 2,253 American voters tests whether factual belief polarization fuels ideological and affective polarization between Democrats and Republicans. It finds mixed evidence: corrective information reduced party gaps in some ideals but not policy attitudes, while priming factual beliefs increased affective polarization only around defense spending.

Key findings

  • On all issues except immigration, Democrats and Republicans were equally or more divided in factual beliefs about the present than in ideals for the future. The belief × party identification interaction was significant for climate change (6.44, SE = 0.74, p < 0.001), non-significant in the same direction for income differences (0.82, SE = 0.84) and defense spending (0.41, SE = 0.42), and reversed for immigration (−2.97, SE = 0.43, p < 0.001), where division was greater over ideals than beliefs (N = 1,337).
  • Corrective information significantly reduced the ideological distance between Democrats and Republicans on ideals about income differences (−1.67, SE = 0.51, p < 0.01) and defense spending (−0.57, SE = 0.27, p < 0.05), but not immigration or climate change. There was no significant correction × party identification interaction for any of the four policy attitudes.
  • Corrective information unexpectedly increased affective polarization on defense spending (5.11, SE = 1.85, p < 0.01). Priming factual beliefs increased affective polarization around defense spending (3.89, SE = 1.86, p < 0.05), mostly among Democrats, who raised affective polarization by about 10 degrees (10.10, SE = 2.98, p < 0.001) and increased opposition to defense spending (−0.58, SE = 0.13, p < 0.001). Priming on climate change unexpectedly lowered affective polarization (−4.56, SE = 1.91, p < 0.05).
  • The paper reports that strong main effects of the information treatment on ideals indicate the manipulation was successful; null correction effects on policy attitudes therefore suggest informed participants changed factual beliefs but not opinions.

Methods

  • Preregistered survey experiment among 2,253 eligible American voters recruited through Prolific and completed on 22 January 2022. Quota sampling targeted 2020 presidential vote choice: 743 non-voters, 789 Biden-voters, and 721 Trump-voters. After a math screening, 199 respondents (8.8%) were excluded, leaving 2,054 (91.2%) randomized to control, priming, or correction conditions.
  • The study covered four issues: income differences, immigration, climate change, and defense spending. It measured factual beliefs, ideals, directional policy attitudes, and affective polarization via feeling thermometers toward Democrats, Republicans, and issue proponents/opponents. Party identification was measured with ANES-style items and recoded to a seven-point scale.
  • Main analyses used ordinary least squares regressions with heteroscedasticity robust standard errors, including condition × party identification interactions, plus separate models for Democrats and Republicans. The paper notes three deviations from preregistration: dropping a pooled analysis, omitting recoding of extreme scores, and adding ideals as an outcome.

Limitations

  • The paper states that priming involves an unconscious process, so a manipulation check cannot distinguish whether null priming results mean factual beliefs have no effect or the manipulation was ineffective. It also states that much remains unclear about if, when, how, and to what extent factual belief polarization fuels ideological and affective polarization.
  • The paper notes deviations from preregistration and that the sample is quota-based only on vote choice; it cannot guarantee representativeness on other characteristics. Compared with the 2020 ANES, younger voters are overrepresented and older voters underrepresented.
  • Evident from the text: the study is a single-country, single-wave survey experiment using a Prolific sample and self-reported measures, and results varied substantially by issue, limiting broad generalization.

Model-written summary. Check it against the paper before relying on it.

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.3389/fpos.2024.1254826

Cites

53 of 55 references verified2 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Claims the paper makes

15 of 65 cited sources checked · 12 supported · 0 flagged · accuracy not yet measured

  • Premisecitation

    Democrats and Republicans have developed increasingly hostile feelings toward each other (affective polarization).

    “both groups have also developed increasingly hostile feelings toward each other (Iyengar et al., 2019).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Iyengar et al., 2019 source
  • Premisecitation

    Democrats and Republicans are divided in their factual beliefs about reality.

    “Democrats and Republicans are not only divided in their attitudes (i.e., ideological polarization) and their feelings toward each other (i.e., affective polarization), but also in their factual beliefs about reality.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 3 sources checked
    • cites Pew Research Center, 2019

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Lee et al., 2021 source
    • cites Rekker, 2022 source
  • Premisecitation

    Experimental studies have consistently shown that consensus messages can effectively correct people's perceptions of what scientists believe about climate change.

    “experimental studies have consistently shown that consensus messages can effectively correct people's perceptions of what scientists believe about climate change (Van der Linden et al., 2015;Deryugina and Shurchkov, 2016;Bolsen and Druckman, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim2 of 3 sources checked
    • cites Van der Linden et al., 2015 source
    • cites Deryugina and Shurchkov, 2016 source

      The Survey Experiment > Treatments section describes an experiment that gave participants messages about scientific consensus, and the Discussion reports a short-run effect on participants’ own climate-change beliefs. But the paper does not report that the detailed consensus message corrected participants’ perceptions of what scientists believe; its Results > Basic findings section also reports substantial skepticism about that message. This source therefore supports the experimental-message aspect, not the claimed correction of perceptions or the assertion that results were consistent. (LLM, conf=0.84)

      Experimental — accuracy not yet measured
    • cites Bolsen and Druckman, 2018 source
  • Premisecitation

    Two studies revealed that Americans increased their support for foreign aid spending when they were informed about the share of the federal budget spent on foreign aid.

    “two studies revealed that Americans increased their support for foreign aid spending when they were informed about the share of the federal budget spent on foreign aid (Gilens, 2001;Scotto et al., 2017).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim1 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Gilens, 2001 source
    • cites Scotto et al., 2017 source
  • Premisecitation

    Meta-analytic studies show that corrections are generally effective in reducing misperceptions.

    “meta-analytic studies show that corrections are generally effective in reducing misperceptions (Chan et al., 2017;Walter and Murphy, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Chan et al., 2017 source
    • cites Walter and Murphy, 2018 source
  • May combine two claims. 22
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim. 20
  • The quote only partly states this claim. 1
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    In that study, consensus messages decreased ideological polarization by being more effective among conservatives than among liberals.

    “Moreover, the consensus messages in this study decreased ideological polarization by being more effective among conservatives than among liberals.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Van der Linden et al., 2019 source
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Another study found that consensus messages effectively increased people's belief in global warming, as well as their support for climate action.

    “another study, however, found that consensus messages effectively increased people's belief in global warming, as well as their support for climate action (Van der Linden et al., 2019).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Van der Linden et al., 2019 source
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Premisecitation

    Factual belief polarization may be fueled by increasing levels of affective polarization.

    “Likewise, factual belief polarization may also be fueled by increasing levels of affective polarization (Broockman et al., 2023;Jenke, 2023).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim1 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Broockman et al., 2023 source
    • cites Jenke, 2023 source
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Neither Democrats nor Republicans changed their policy attitudes when informed about income inequality.

    “The results show that neither Democrats nor Republicans changed their policy attitudes when they were informed about income inequality.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    The study found no evidence that informing Democrats and Republicans with factual information can bring them closer together in either their policy attitudes or their feelings toward each other.

    “Nonetheless, this study found no evidence that informing Democrats and Republicans with factual information can bring them closer together in either their policy attitudes or their feelings toward each other.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Adherents of both parties overestimate the amount of defense spending, but Democrats overestimate the actual number much more than Republicans.

    “Finally, adherents of both parties overestimate the amount of defense spending, but Democrats overestimate the actual number much more than Republicans.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims. The quote only partly states this claim.

    Findingown data

    For income differences and defense spending, the difference between Democrats and Republicans was non-significantly in the same direction, with beliefs more divided than ideals.

    “a non-significant effect in the same direction was found for income differences and defense spending.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Informed Democrats typically indicated an ideal defense spending level slightly lower than current expenditure, while most Republicans provided a somewhat higher number.

    “Informed Democrats typically indicated an ideal that is slightly lower than the current defense expenditure, while most Republicans provided a somewhat higher number.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Corrective information significantly reduced the ideological distance between Democrats and Republicans on income differences and defense spending, but not on immigration and climate change.

    “The results for ideals revealed that corrective information significantly reduced the ideological distance between Democrats and Republicans on the issues of income differences and defense spending, but not immigration and climate change.”
    • Also stated in: § Discussion · plain
      “Corrective information did, however, reduce the distance between Democrats' and Republicans' ideals about income inequality and defense spending.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Findingown data

    Democrats and Republicans differ widely in their factual beliefs about the income distribution, and the median voter substantially underestimates income inequality.

    “About the income distribution, Democrats and Republicans differ widely in their factual beliefs and the median voter substantially underestimates income inequality.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductnone given

    The study was preregistered on OSF with a preanalysis plan and approved by the ethics committee of the University of Amsterdam prior to data collection.

    “Prior to the data collection, this study (including a preanalysis plan) was preregistered on OSF and approved by the ethics committee of the University of Amsterdam.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data

    The only clear difference between the recruited sample and the ANES sample is age distribution: older voters are overrepresented in the ANES, while younger voters are overrepresented in the present sample.

    “The only clear difference between both samples lies in the age distribution: whereas older voters are overrepresented in the ANES, younger voters are overrepresented in the present sample.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductown data

    Randomization checks confirmed that the assigned condition was unassociated with gender, race, educational level, liberal-conservative ideology, and political interest.

    “Randomization checks confirmed that the assigned condition was unassociated with gender (p = 0.90), race (p = 0.84), educational level (p = 0.94), liberal-conservative ideology (p = 0.58), and political interest (p = 0.25).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Study design and conductown data

    Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: control, priming, and correction.

    “The remaining participants (N = 2,054; 91.2%) were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: a control condition, a priming condition, and a correction condition.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    Another study found that Democrats and Republicans are about equally divided in their beliefs and ideals about income inequality.

    “Using the same measure, another study found that both groups are about equally divided in their beliefs and ideals about income inequality (Norton and Ariely, 2011).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Norton and Ariely, 2011 source
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Premisecitation

    Some studies suggest that consensus messages can backfire among conservatives and Republicans, leading them to report lower levels of belief in global warming and less support for climate policies.

    “some studies suggest that consensus messages can even backfire among conservatives and Republicans, leading them to report lower levels of belief in global warming and less support for climate policies (Cook and Lewandowsky, 2016;Bolsen and Druckman, 2018;Ma et al., 2019).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 3 sources checked
    • cites Cook and Lewandowsky, 2016 source
    • cites Bolsen and Druckman, 2018 source
    • cites Ma et al., 2019

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Survey experiments revealed that informing participants about the racial composition or the share of foreign-born citizens in the US did little to change their attitudes toward immigration, even though the information improved the accuracy of their factual beliefs.

    “Survey experiments revealed that informing participants about the racial composition or the share of foreignborn citizens in the US did little to change their attitudes toward immigration, even though the information improved the accuracy of their factual beliefs (Lawrence and Sides, 2014;Hopkins et al., 2019).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Lawrence and Sides, 2014 source
    • cites Hopkins et al., 2019 source
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    Regarding climate change, 83% of Democrats believe that global warming is caused by human activity, but only 43% of Republicans share this position.

    “Regarding climate change, 83% of Democrats believe that global warming is caused by human activity, but only 43% of Republicans share this position (Dunlap et al., 2016).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Dunlap et al., 2016 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    Republicans assume a lower level of defense spending than Democrats.

    “and a lower level of defense spending (Lee et al., 2021).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Lee et al., 2021 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    Republicans assume a more egalitarian income distribution than Democrats.

    “Likewise, Republicans assume a more egalitarian income distribution than Democrats (Boudreau and MacKenzie, 2018)”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Boudreau and MacKenzie, 2018 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    Informed participants updated their ideals about what a fair income distribution would look like.

    “another survey experiment showed that informed participants updated their ideals about what a fair income distribution would look like, but not their policy attitudes toward redistribution (Trump, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Trump, 2018 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    A survey among Californians found that Democrats and Republicans differ more in their factual beliefs about income differences than in their ideals about what a fair income distribution would look like.

    “a survey among Californians found that Democrats and Republicans differ more in their factual beliefs about income differences than in their ideals about what a fair income distribution would look like (Boudreau and MacKenzie, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Boudreau and MacKenzie, 2018 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Premisecitation

    Informed participants did not update their policy attitudes toward redistribution.

    “another survey experiment showed that informed participants updated their ideals about what a fair income distribution would look like, but not their policy attitudes toward redistribution (Trump, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Trump, 2018 source
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data

    Factual belief polarization could be a source of ideological and affective polarization around defense spending, even though corrective information failed to bring Democrats and Republicans closer together.

    “This finding suggests that factual belief polarization could be a source of ideological and affective polarization around this issue, even though corrective information failed to bring Democrats and Republicans closer together.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    As a result of the question order, the cognitive accessibility of factual beliefs is temporarily increased and participants may unintentionally express their policy attitudes with their factual beliefs in mind.

    “As a result of this question order, the cognitive accessibility of factual beliefs is temporarily increased and participants may unintentionally express their policy attitudes with their factual beliefs in mind (Kuklinski et al., 2000;Tourangeau et al., 2000).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 2 sources checked
    • cites Kuklinski et al., 2000 source
    • cites Tourangeau et al., 2000 source
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    Republicans generally seem to view these ideals as irrelevant for their policy attitudes and fundamentally reject the idea of government redistribution.

    “However, Republicans generally seem to view these ideals as irrelevant for their policy attitudes and fundamentally reject the idea of government redistribution.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductown data

    The pre-registered analyses yield similar results and conclusions as the presented main analyses.

    “The pre-registered analyses, which are displayed in Supplementary Appendix S2, yield similar results and conclusions as the presented main analyses.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationown data

    The effect of priming on affective polarization around climate change was not significant for either Democrats or Republicans separately, but Table 2 hints that especially Republicans became less affectively polarized by reflecting on their own climate change beliefs.

    “This effect was not significant for either Democrats or Republicans separately, but Table 2 hints that especially Republicans became less affectively polarized by reflecting on their own climate change beliefs.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Premisecitation

    A previous study on income differences demonstrated that ideals might be more responsive to corrective information than directional policy attitudes.

    “A previous study on income differences demonstrated that such ideals might be more responsive to corrective information than directional policy attitudes (Trump, 2018).”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim0 of 1 sources checked
    • cites Trump, 2018 source
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Interpretationreasoning

    Informed Republicans may have increased their required level of certainty for climate action as a way to rationalize not changing their policy attitudes.

    “Many informed Republicans also increased their required level of certainty for climate action, perhaps as a way to rationalize not changing their policy attitudes.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Study design and conductreasoning

    The approach of merging ideals from the control condition and beliefs from the priming condition ensured that none of the hypothesized question order effects could influence the results for RQ1.

    “This approach ensured that none of the hypothesized question order effects could influence the results for this descriptive research question.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

    Premisereasoning

    Previous research provides some, but not conclusive, evidence for the hypothesized effect of corrective information for each of the four policy domains.

    “previous research provides some, but not conclusive, evidence for the hypothesized effect of corrective information for each of the four policy domains.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
    • Rests on an assumption: The four issues examined (income differences, immigration, climate change, and defense spending) are key issues in American politics.
  • May combine two claims.

    Interpretationreasoning

    The null results for corrective information indicate that informed participants changed their factual beliefs but not their opinions.

    “In this light, the null results for corrective information indicate that informed participants changed their factual beliefs but not their opinions.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Study design and conductreasoning

    The presented analyses deviate in three ways from the preregistration.

    “The presented analyses deviate in three ways from the preregistration.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing), S4 (based). May combine two claims.

    Interpretationnone given

    Corrective information may have failed to change immigration attitudes because both Democrats and Republicans already had a fairly accurate perception of the immigrant population.

    “Likewise, corrective information may have failed to change immigration attitudes because both Democrats and Republicans already had a fairly accurate perception of the immigrant population.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

    Premisecitation

    The factual information presented in the correction condition was based on reports from the OECD (2016), Pew Research Center (2020), IPCC (2021), and CBO (2021).

    “The factual information in these messages was based respectively on reports from the OECD (2016), Pew Research Center (2020), the IPCC (2021), and the CBO (2021).”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim0 of 3 sources checked
    • cites OECD (2016)

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites Pew Research Center (2020)

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

    • cites IPCC (2021)

      Couldn’t be matched to a paper in Crossref, so it can’t be checked.

  • May combine two claims.

    Study design and conductreasoning

    The strong main effects of the information treatment on ideals demonstrate that the manipulation was successful and that participants processed the information.

    “The strong main effects of the information treatment on ideals, therefore, demonstrate that the manipulation was successful and that participants processed the information.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
  • Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

    Interpretationreasoning

    For immigration, the lack of a priming effect may be explained by the fact that Democrats and Republicans had similar beliefs about the immigrant population to begin with.

    “For immigration, the lack of a priming effect may be explained by the fact that Democrats and Republicans had similar beliefs about the immigrant population to begin with.”
    Quote in the paperNot a substantial claim
  • Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

    Study design and conductreasoning

    The study relied on an indirect manipulation check by examining the main effect of the information treatment on respondents' ideals.

    “Instead, this study therefore relied on an indirect manipulation check by examining the main effect of the information treatment on respondents' ideals.”
    Quote in the paperSubstantial claim
39 of 39
  • The authors state this as an assumption.

    Participants will use the primed discrepancy between their factual belief and their ideal to answer the policy attitude question.

    “As a result, it is likely that participants will use this primed discrepancy to answer the question on their policy attitude.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The four issues examined (income differences, immigration, climate change, and defense spending) are key issues in American politics.

    “four key issues in American politics: the income distribution, the immigrant population, the climate consensus, and the defense expenditure.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Priming involves an unconscious cognitive process.

    “Because priming involves an unconscious cognitive process, it is unfortunately not possible to distinguish between both possibilities with a manipulation check.”
3 of 3

Cites

Flagged first, then by citations

Research works printed but not linked: 5

  1. Bargh, 2000, “Studying the mind in the middle: a practical guide to priming and automaticity research,”, 253
  2. 2021, The federal budget in fiscal year 2020: An infographic.
  3. Howell, 2009, Educating the public, Educ. Next, 9, 41
  4. 2021, Climate Change 2021: The Physical Science Base.
  5. 2016, OECD Factbook: Economic, environmental and social statistics 2015-2016.

Cited by

Sorted by citations

Authors
Rekker, R.
Affiliations
Radboud University Nijmegen (NL)
Corresponding author
Rekker, Roderik
Venue
Frontiers in Political Science
Published
2024-08-27
Volume
6
ISSN
2673-3145 (ISSN-L)
OpenAlex
W4401931040
Cited by
4
References
54
Citations by year
2026: 3 · 2025: 1
FWCI
6.89
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • Frontiers in Political Science (publishedVersion, cc-by)
  • Radboud Repository (Radboud University) (submittedVersion)
  • DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals) (submittedVersion, cc-by-sa)
  • OSF Preprints (OSF Preprints) (submittedVersion)
Funders
Riksbankens Jubileumsfond
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Social and Intergroup Psychology
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Media Influence and Politics
Keywords
ideological polarization, affective polarization, partisan attitudes, corrective information, income inequality, immigration, climate change, defense spending

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