Cited by 311Electoral Systems and Political ParticipationSocial and Intergroup PsychologyNames, Identity, and Discrimination Research

The Limits of Partisan Prejudice

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Lelkes, Yphtach, Westwood, Sean J.·2017·The Journal of Politics

Abstract

Partisanship increasingly factors into the behavior of Americans in both political and nonpolitical situations, yet the bounds of partisan prejudice are largely unknown. In this paper, we systematically evaluate the limits of partisan prejudice using a series of five studies situated within a typology of prejudice. We find that partisan prejudice predicts suppression of hostile rhetoric toward one’s own party, avoidance of members of the opposition, and a desire for preferential treatment for one’s own party. While these behaviors may cause incidental or indirect harm to the opposition, we find that even the most affectively polarized—those with the strongest disdain for the opposition—are no more likely to intentionally harm the opposition than those with minimal levels of affective polarization.

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  • There is still debate about the extent to which partisan belief and behavior is driven by in-group favoritism versus out-group derogation.

    “there is still debate about the extent to which partisan belief and behavior is driven by in-group favoritism versus out-group derogation (49).”

    From Out-group animosity drives engagement on social media (2021) · cites this paper as [49]

  • Political sectarianism better captures strong feelings that lead partisans to sacrifice democratic norms, while affective polarization captures milder forms of affect influencing social relationships.

    “The former does a better job enveloping strong feelings that lead partisans to sacrifice democratic norms such as checks and balances or obeying unfavorable court rulings.11 The latter captures milder forms of affect that influence social relationships, such as willingness to work with members of the other party (e.g., Broockman et al., 2023;Lelkes & Westwood, 2017) and cue-taking in terms of”

    From Measuring affective polarization: Matching concepts to measures (2026) · cites this paper as Lelkes & Westwood, 2017

  • In some situations, partisan bias is prompted more by in-group love.

    “However, there is also evidence that in some situations, partisan bias is prompted more by in-group love (Lelkes & Westwood 2017).”

    From The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States (2019) · cites this paper as Lelkes & Westwood 2017

  • Some studies indicate a negative relationship between affective polarization and support for democratic norms.

    “Research to date paints a confusing picture, with some studies indicating a negative relationship between affective polarization and support for democratic norms302,303, and others finding no connection between the two13,58.”

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Research works printed but not linked: 11

  1. Abramowitz, Alan I., and Kyle L. Saunders. 1998. "Ideological Realign- ment in the US Elections." Journal of Politics 60 (3): 634-52.
  2. Abramowitz, Alan, and Kyle L. Saunders. 2005. "Why Can't We All Just Get Along? The Reality of a Polarized America." The Forum: A Journal of Applied Research in Contemporary Politics 3 (2): 1-22.
  3. Allport, Gordon G. 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Perseus Books. Associated Press. 2004. "Three Arrested in Gop Headquarters Vandalism," November 6.
  4. Fiorina, Morris P. 2013. "If I Could Hold a Seminar for Political Journalists." Forum 10 (4): 2-10.
  5. Fiorina, Morris P., and Matthew S. Levendusky. 2006. "Disconnected: The Political Class versus the People." In Pietro Nivola and David Brady, eds., Red and Blue Nation? Characteristics, Causes, and Consequences of America's Polarized Politics. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 49-71.
  6. Green, Donald P., and Rachel L. Seher. 2003. "What Role Does Prejudice Play in Ethnic Conflict?" Annual Review of Political Science 6 (1): 509-31.
  7. Jacobson, Gary C., and Alan I. Abramowitz. 2006. "Comment on Dis- connected: The Political Class versus the People." In Pietro S. Nivola and David W. Brady, eds., Red and Blue Nation? Characteristics and Causes of America's Polarized Politics, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 85-94.
  8. Klofstad, Casey A., Rose McDermott, and Peter K. Hatemi. 2012. "The Dating Preferences of Liberals and Conservatives." Political Behavior 35 (3): 1-20.
  9. Lelkes, Yphtach, Gaurav Sood, and Shanto Iyengar. Forthcoming. "The Hostile Audience: Selective Exposure to Partisan Sources and Affective Polarization." American Journal of Political Science.
  10. Otten, Sabine, and Dirk Wentura. 1999. "About the Impact of Automaticity in the Minimal Group Paradigm: Evidence from Affective Priming Tasks." European Journal of Social Psychology 29 (8): 1049-71.
  11. Wolfe, Alan. 1998. One Nation, after All: What Middle Class Americans Really Think about God, Country, Family, Racism, Welfare, Immigra- tion, Homosexuality, Work, the Right, the Left, and Each Other. New York: Viking Penguin.

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Authors
Lelkes, Y., & Westwood, S. J.
Affiliations
Dartmouth College (US)
Venue
The Journal of Politics
Published
2017-04
Volume
79
Issue
2
Pages
485-501
ISSN
  • 0022-3816 (ISSN-L)
  • 1468-2508
OpenAlex
W2561427996
Cited by
311
References
82
Citations by year
2026: 43 · 2025: 44 · 2024: 43 · 2023: 28 · 2022: 36 · 2021: 47 · 2020: 45 · 2019: 12 · 2018: 7 · 2017: 6
FWCI
42.17
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
  • The Journal of Politics (publishedVersion)
  • ScholarlyCommons (University of Pennsylvania) (submittedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Social and Intergroup Psychology
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Names, Identity, and Discrimination Research
Keywords
affective polarization, preferential treatment

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