Teen girls, sexual double standards and ‘sexting’: Gendered value in digital image exchange

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Tarek asks for pictures but never sends ones of himself.

“Tarek explains that while he asks for pictures he never sends ones of himself.”

May combine two claims.

A picture has greater value the more popular and less likely a girl is to send it; gaining a scarce image demonstrates a boy's powers of persuasion or desirability.

“He adds that a picture has greater value the more popular and therefore less likely a girl is to send it -gaining a scarce image demonstrates his own powers of persuasion or desirability.”

May combine two claims.

It is taken by girls as a sign of attractiveness to be asked for a 'special photo', and there is a matching norm of desirable masculinity for boys to be able to negotiate the 'ask'.

“Specifically, it is taken by girls as a sign of their attractiveness to be asked for a 'special photo', just as there is a matching norm of desirable masculinity for boys to be able to negotiate the 'ask' for the photo.”

May combine two claims.

'Tits and bum' are the prime bodily properties in these descriptions, and they operate in racialised and classed ways.

“'Tits and bum' are the prime bodily properties, and these operate in racialised and classed ways.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Kaja and Kamal both talked about having 30 images on their phone, indicating a considerable degree of popularity and desirability.

“Kaja (year 10) and Kamal (year 8) both talked about having 30 images on their phone, indicating a considerable degree of popularity and desirability:”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S1 (asserted), S3 (load-bearing).

Having an image specially made for you is better than being sent one 'on file'.

“Also having an image specially made for you is better than being sent one 'on file', so to speak.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Descriptions of girls in pin broadcasts generate interaction that enables going 'a step closer in the friendship'.

“However, he adds, the benefit of such descriptions of girls includes generating an interaction that enables going 'a step closer in the friendship.'”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

In one year 8 girls' focus group, participants discussed a boy in their network who had an image of a girl's head above a penis as his BBM default photo.

“Year 8 girls in one focus group discussed how a boy in their network currently had an image of a girl's head above a penis as his BBM default photo.”

May combine two claims.

Kaja describes the girl who tagged him as having 'no shame', while he both claims value from the picture and affectively distances himself from it and from her as 'nothing I ain't seen before'.

“As Kaja says, the girl who did this has 'no shame' (a moral marker about her sexuality) while he himself both claims value from the picture and affectively disclaims it (and her) as 'nothing I ain't seen before'.”

Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Cherelle deleted the contact but was left with the affective residue that he knew where she lived, and because BBM requests happened daily at school she insisted it was not a joke.

“Cherelle deleted the contact, but she was left with the affective residue that this contact 'knows' where she lives; and with BBM requests happening daily at school she was adamant it was 'not a joke'.”

May combine two claims.

Girls in the study knew about 'stranger danger', and some regarded requests for sexual acts during 'linking' as threatening.

“The girls were very aware of 'stranger danger' (Guo, 2008), and some found requests for sexual acts if they 'linked' threatening.”

• cites Guo, 2008Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The girls suggested that it was other, 'stupid' girls who might meet boys, not themselves.

“Still, they were inclined to suggest that other 'stupid' girls might meet up with guys but they wouldn't.”

May combine two claims.

Boys gain 'ratings' and 'respect' for requesting an image, while girls are called 'skets' for supplying it.

“As before, boys get 'rated' and 'respect' for asking for an image and girls get called 'skets' for supplying it.”

May combine two claims.

Boys and girls alike called girls who sent images 'skets' and said they lacked self-respect, which fits familiar double standards.

“However, consonant with familiar double standards, both boys and girls and girls described girls who sent images as 'skets' who lack self-respect.”

May combine two claims.

The discussion shows a sexual double standard: boys are admired as 'sick' if seen to have sex, while girls who send images are called 'skets'.

“The discussion points to a sexual double standard -boys are 'sick' (a current term of admiration in the UK context) if they are seen (through photographic evidence, for instance) to have sex whereas the girls who send images are 'skets'.”

May combine two claims.

Although both boys and girls are criticised, only girls are repeatedly called 'stupid'.

“Though both boys and girls are criticised, only the girls are called 'stupid' (repeatedly so by Irina).”

May combine two claims.

Although Demi's brother confronts the boy who keeps such photos, Kylie still places moral responsibility mainly on the girl who sent them, even while she also criticises boys' behaviour.

“And although Demi's brother seems to attack the boy who keeps such photos, Kylie still attributes moral responsibility primarily to the girl who sent them, notwithstanding her critique of boys' behaviour also.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Kaja shifts easily from saying girls who send pictures do not respect themselves to saying he would not respect them.

“Interestingly, Kaja moves easily from positioning girls who send pictures as not respecting themselves to explaining that he wouldn't respect them.”

May combine two claims.

In a competitive exchange game, boys use BBM to ask girls to write the boy's name on their body, and the best image would win and become his default photo.

“In competitive game of exchange, the boys use BBM to send requests for girls to write his name on their body, and the best image would win (and become his default photo).”

May combine two claims.

The idea that self-sexualising through sexting images puts girls at moral risk of exploitation works through the sexual double standard that positions girls' sexuality as pure and at risk of contamination through active desire and positions girls as responsible for protecting the virginal body from aggressive male sexuality.

“The idea that self-sexualising through sexting images puts girls at moral risk of exploitation works through the age-old sexual double standard that not only positions girls' sexuality as something pure and at risk of contamination through active desire (Jackson and Cram, 2003) but also positions girls as responsible for protecting the virginal body from hard-wired aggressive male sexuality (Holl”

• cites Jackson and Cram, 2003Not checked yet

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• cites Holland et al., 1998Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The objectification and 'sexualisation' of men through widespread consumption of images of the ideal male body arguably results in a democratization of looking for women and men.

“In parallel, we are witnessing the objectification and 'sexualisation' of men, through widespread consumption of images of the ideal male body, arguably resulting in a democratization of looking for women (and men) (Gill et al., 2005;Gill,2012).”

• cites Gill et al., 2005Not checked yet

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• cites Gill,2012Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

Some sexually explicit images of minors fall foul of laws on pornography, amplifying public anxieties over the sexualisation of childhood and girlhood.

“However, the fact that some of these images fall foul of laws on pornography (traditionally legal only if images of adults not minors) has amplified public anxieties over the sexualisation of childhood and girlhood (Arcabascio, 2010;Sacco et al., 2010;Wolak and Finkelhor, 2011).”

• cites Arcabascio, 2010Not checked yet

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• cites Sacco et al., 2010Not checked yet

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• cites Wolak and Finkelhor, 2011Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

The concept of 'postfeminism' helps unpack and critique a contemporary sensibility that positions society as 'beyond' feminism, where feminist goals of social and political equality are supposed to have been met, making feminism obsolete.

“The concept of 'postfeminism' helps unpack and critique a contemporary sensibility that positions society as 'beyond' feminism, where it is supposed that feminist goals of social and political equality have been met, making the need for feminism now obsolete (Gill, 2007;McRobbie, 2008;Ringrose, 2013).”

• cites Gill, 2007Not checked yet

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• cites McRobbie, 2008Not checked yet

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• cites Ringrose, 2013Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S4 (based).

Online digital content and networks are inextricably linked to offline lives and experiences.

“The paper illustrates how online digital content and networks are inextricably linked to offline lives and experiences; and concludes by outlining the urgent need to address the gender inequity issues highlighted by practices of teen 'sexting'.”

Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The research received research ethics approval.

“Having negotiated access to the school, and gained research ethics approval, the (female) interviewersfoot_2 worked with children aged 12-13 (UK Year 8) and 14-15 (Year 10), inviting them to reflect on both present and earlier experiences since the start of their secondary education (which in the UK begins around 11 years old).”

May combine two claims.

The implicit message in anti-sexting narratives is that responsibility for an image lies with its producer or sender rather than its receiver, resulting in victim-blaming and 'slut shaming'.

“The implicit message in this and other anti-sexting narratives is that responsibility for an image lies with its producer/sender not its receiver, resulting in a form of victim-blaming (Hasinoff, 2012) that illustrates what commentators have called 'slut shaming ' (Albury, 2012).”

• cites Hasinoff, 2012Not checked yet

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• cites Albury, 2012Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S2 (checkable). May combine two claims.

Young people are sexual beings with a right to communicate in privacy to explore sexuality, intimacy and relationships.

“Our starting point was the recognition young people are sexual beings with a right to communicate in privacy so as to explore their sexuality, intimacy and relationships (Lerum and Dworkin, 2009).”

• cites Lerum and Dworkin, 2009Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

Previous youth and new media research reveals that young people are deeply attached to digital communication and technology and find digital flirtation and sexual communication pleasurable, exciting and fun.

“Previous youth and new media research reveals that young people are deeply attached to digital communication and technology and find digital flirtation and sexual communication pleasurable, exciting and fun (boyd, 2008;Livingstone, 2008), a vital part of the 'drama' of the peer culture (Marwick and boyd, 2011).”

• cites boyd, 2008Not checked yet

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• cites Livingstone, 2008Not checked yet

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• cites Marwick and boyd, 2011Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

An image can be exchanged or looked upon by others, and it proves that a boy is himself both desired and desirous.

“Recall Skegg's (2004) deployment of the concepts of use-value and exchange-value as we map the multiple ways that value flows through these images in a heterosexualized, affective economy of flirting: an image can be exchanged or looked upon by others, and it proves that a boy is himself both desired and desirous.”

• cites Skeggs, 2004Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

The sexual double standard of female passivity and male action is replicated, but social implications are altered by affordances of sexting: persistence, manipulation, uncertain audiences, and possible illegality.

“While this replicates the familiar sexual double standard of female passivity and male action, the social implications are now altered because the affordances (boyd, 2008) of sexting include persistence (images once sent cannot be withdrawn or deleted), manipulation and uncertain audiences (they may be further edited or circulated), and even possible illegality (if sexually explicit).”

• cites boyd, 2008Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S1 (asserted), S3 (load-bearing).

Within contemporary 'postfeminist' media culture, researchers have argued that the 'sexualisation' of the adult, particularly female body is taken for granted, normal and banal.

“Within this contemporary 'postfeminist' media culture, researchers have argued that the 'sexualisation' of the adult, particularly female body is, therefore, taken for granted, normal and banal (Atwood, 2009;Evans and Riley, 2011).”

• cites Atwood, 2009Not checked yet

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• cites Evans and Riley, 2011Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

Surveys have found highly variable rates of sexting depending on what is measured.

“Surveys have found highly variable rates of sexting, depending on just what is being measured (Lounsbury, Mitchell, and Finkelhor, 2011), although USA, UK and EU research suggests that typically around 15 per cent of teenagers report sending or receiving sexual messages while only some 3 per cent admit to creating or sending nude images (Lenhart, 2009;Livingstone, et al, 2010).”

• cites Lounsbury, Mitchell, and Finkelhor, 2011Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim. May combine two claims.

The study used a multi-method design integrating focus groups, follow-up individual interviews with 35 young people, and analysis of their online posts on Facebook and Blackberry.

“Our multi-method design integrated focus groups and follow up individual interviews with 35 young people, together with an analysis of their online posts on Facebook and Blackberry (for details, see Ringrose, Gill, Livingstone and Harvey, 2012).”

• cites Ringrose, Gill, Livingstone and Harvey, 2012Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

Social networking sites enable the construction of a textual and visual cybersubjectivity that gains meaning through embedding in a digitally 'networked public'.

“Social networking sites enable the construction of a textual and visual cybersubjectivity that gains meaning through embedding in a digitally 'networked public' (boyd, 2008;Papacharissi, 2009).”

• cites boyd, 2008Not checked yet

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• cites Papacharissi, 2009Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

Researchers exploring gender dynamics on social networking sites argue that the architecture of the sites encourages visual, bodily 'objectification', with intensified forms of rating and comparison commonly practiced in relation to women though also found in the online 'gay' community.

“Researchers exploring gender dynamics on social networking sites argue that the very architecture of the sites encourages visual, bodily 'objectification', with intensified forms of rating and comparison commonly practiced in relation to women though also found in the online 'gay' community (Manago et al., 2009;Siiback, 2010;Dobson, 2011).”

• cites Manago et al., 2009Not checked yet

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• cites Siiback, 2010Not checked yet

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• cites Dobson, 2011Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing). May combine two claims.

USA, UK and EU research suggests typically around 15 per cent of teenagers report sending or receiving sexual messages while only about 3 per cent admit to creating or sending nude images.

“although USA, UK and EU research suggests that typically around 15 per cent of teenagers report sending or receiving sexual messages while only some 3 per cent admit to creating or sending nude images (Lenhart, 2009;Livingstone, et al, 2010).”

• cites Lenhart, 2009Not checked yet

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• cites Livingstone, et al, 2010Not checked yet

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Classified as probably not a substantial claim.

In popular culture, second wave feminist critiques of sexual objectification are overturned through an increasing 'sexualisation of culture', where self-objectification for girls and women is re-interpreted as a site of sexual liberation, value and pleasure.

“Applying this concept to popular culture, research has explored how second wave feminist critiques of sexual objectification are overturned through what has been termed an increasing 'sexualisation of culture'.Here, self-objectification, particularly for girls and women, is re-interpreted not as oppressive but as constituting a prime site of sexual liberation, value and pleasure (Gill, 2007).”

• cites Gill, 2007Not checked yet

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Probably not a substantial claim: may not pass S3 (load-bearing).

The study followed McClelland and Fine's (2008) 'intensity sampling', focusing on demonstrative cases to explore 'sexting' experiences in depth.

“Specifically, we followed McClelland and Fine's (2008) 'intensity sampling' where we focused on demonstrative cases to explore the 'sexting' experiences in depth.”

• cites McClelland and Fine's (2008)Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

This carries forward older gendered power relations that treat girls' bodies as implicit carriers of sexual morality, and the fit between technology's affordances and peer culture makes this more persuasive.

“This extends the reach of long-established gendered power relations according to which girls' bodies are configured as implicit bearers of sexual morality (McClintock, 1995), and is made all the more persuasive through the fit between the affordances of the technology and the nature of peer cultureambiguous in form yet able to produce competitive values, playful in style, yet harsh in its normat”

• cites McClintock, 1995Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

For boys, acquiring images can serve as proof of desirability and access to girls' bodies, forming new norms of masculinity and masculine performance.

“Meanwhile, for boys, acquiring images can work as proof of their desirability and access to girls' bodies, constituting new norms of masculinity and masculine performance.”

May combine two claims.

Girls conceal their sexual interest and desire, whereas boys' sexual interest and even aggressive, harassing propositions are treated as normal for successful masculinity.

“Thus girls find themselves hiding sexual interest and desire (Tolman, 2002(Tolman, , 2012) ) while boys' sexual interest and even aggressive, harassing propositioning is normalised as part of successful masculinity.”

• cites Tolman, 2002Not checked yet

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• cites Tolman, 2012Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

For girls to gain 'respect' from boys and girls, they must perform a complex femininity: gain value from being asked for images, appear to resist sending them, deny having sent them, and project blame onto 'other' stupid girls.

“Consequently, for girls to acquire 'respect' from both boys and girls means engaging in a complex performance of femininity where they gain value from being asked for images but have to be seen to resist sending images and deny the possibility of having done so, projecting this culpability onto 'other' stupid girls.”

May combine two claims.

In such scenarios, online and offline spheres are hard to separate, and the situation, legitimised by moral sexual double standards and aggressive masculinity, can threaten girls' safety and well-being.

“In such scenarios, the online and offline spheres become difficult to separate, and the potential exists for the situation, legitimised through moral sexual double standards and performances of aggressive masculinity, to threaten girls' safety and well-being.”

May combine two claims.

Although 'stranger danger' is rare, the concerns girls voice daily about gender and sexual inequality in popular and everyday culture are mostly not heard at school or home.

“In relation to e-safety campaigns, we observe that while 'stranger danger' (against which most children have now been warned) remains a rare threat, everyday girls' concerns about consequences of gender and sexual inequity in popular and everyday culture go largely unheard at school and home.”

• AssumptionRests on an assumption: Stranger danger is a rare threat for young people.

May combine two claims.

At the same time, these images mark girls' bodies as devalued, carry affects, and delimit the acceptable boundaries of desirable female sexuality.

“But they simultaneously mark out the girls' bodies as devalued, carrying a range of affects and working to delimit the acceptable boundaries of desirable female sexuality.”

May combine two claims.

When Cherelle refused on BBM to meet up or join banter about oral sex, the boy seemed to take this as a threat to his masculinity and became furious.

“Here Cherelle's refusal on BBM to 'link up' or engage with banter around 'blows' seemed to threaten the boy's masculinity, at which point he 'became furious'.”

May combine two claims.

Although sexual double standards are not new, digital technology creates new routes for value to move through images and to become materially marked on particular bodies.

“While such sexual double-standards are hardly new (Jackson and Cram, 2003), the technology provides new ways for value to circulate through images, becoming materially marked on particular bodies as part of that process.”

• cites Jackson and Cram, 2003Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

The moral logic in the accounts is that the girl is responsible for performing the sexual act and also implicated herself by getting upset, so she is doubly condemned.

“The moral logic presented here is that, firstly, the girl is responsible for having performed the sexual act and, secondly, she has implicated herself by getting upset.She is doubly condemned.”

May combine two claims.

Girls write a boy's name on their cleavage, marking their bodies as property of particular boys, and tagging lets boys claim value from the posted picture.

“Girls inscribe their cleavage with a boy's name, marking an inscribing their bodies as 'property' of particular boys, and 'tagging' allows the boys to claim value from the picture when posted online.”

May combine two claims.

The image becomes shameful because it links the girl to promiscuity, and this shame can also travel to the boy who engages with it, which is why Kaja works to distance himself from a relationship with the girl.

“Affectively, the image itself becomes shameful as it associates the girl with promiscuity, although this shame can also 'travel' or affectively spread to him for engaging with the image, hence Kaja's complex work to distance himself from implication of relationship with the girl (Kofoed and Ringrose, 2012).”

• cites Kofoed and Ringrose, 2012Not checked yet

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May combine two claims.

Even when a boy takes the photo, the girl is held responsible for being in a position where he could take it, so blame falls on her for creating a morally suspect image.

“Indeed, even if it is the boy who takes the photo, a girl should not be in any position where he can take a picture.Again, responsibility falls to the girl for constructing a morally suspect image.”

May combine two claims.

Receiving a request for a body image can itself confer value and may amount to a new standard of feminine desirability in current digital peer networks, akin to adult postfeminist media cultures.

“Akin to adult 'postfeminst' media cultures, being asked for an image of one's body carries value, even constitutes a new norm of feminine desirability, within today's digital peer networks.”

May combine two claims.

Young people can delete unwanted images or block contacts, but they still must deal with gendered power inequalities around sexual reputation and new performative displays of ideal masculinity and femininity.

“Young people can delete unwanted images or block certain peer contacts but must still deal with gendered power inequalities surrounding sexual reputation and new performative displays of ideal, desirable masculinity and femininity.”

May combine two claims.

Images exchanged in sexting have value for both boys and girls within the heterosexualized visual economy of peer networks, and this operates differently by gender.

“Sexting images carry value for boys and girls as part of the heterosexualized visual economy in peer networks, and this works in gender specific ways.”