Cited by 3,603Electoral Systems and Political ParticipationSocial and Intergroup PsychologySocial Media and Politics

The DOI matches its Crossref record; 95 of the 95 references it cites were found in a registry or an index; 5 of the 112 sources its claims cite were checked for support.

The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States

Open access
Iyengar, Shanto, Lelkes, Yphtach, Levendusky, Matthew, Malhotra, Neil, Westwood, Sean J.·2019·Annual Review of Political Science

Abstract

While previously polarization was primarily seen only in issue-based terms, a new type of division has emerged in the mass public in recent years: Ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distrust those from the other party. Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party's members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded, and they are unwilling to socialize across party lines. This phenomenon of animosity between the parties is known as affective polarization. We trace its origins to the power of partisanship as a social identity, and explain the factors that intensify partisan animus. We also explore the consequences of affective polarization, highlighting how partisan affect influences attitudes and behaviors well outside the political sphere. Finally, we discuss strategies that might mitigate partisan discord and conclude with suggestions for future work.

Overview

Integrity signals

Registry

Crossref · 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034

Cites

95 of 95 references verified0 citation errors · 0 not checkable

Statistics

Nothing to recompute.

Verification

Claims the paper makes

77 No full text of the sources · 18 Own interpretation · 17 Sources not found · 10 No basis given · 3 Supported · 3 Not checked yet · 3 Own result · 1 Partly supported · 1 Couldn’t confirm · accuracy not yet measured

Show all 83 claims

  • It may state two separate claims as one. 31
  • Probably not a substantial claim. 22
50 of 50
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party's members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded.

    “Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party's members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Democrats and Republicans are unwilling to socialize across party lines.

    “they are unwilling to socialize across party lines”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Political campaigns recur frequently and last for many months (or even years) in the contemporary United States.

    “Second, political campaigns-the formal occasions for expressing one's partisan identity-recur frequently and last for many months (or even years) in the contemporary United States.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Most people prefer to be in agreeable relationships.

    “most people prefer to be in agreeable relationships.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The rhetoric and actions of political leaders demonstrate that hostility directed at the opposition is acceptable and often appropriate.

    “If anything, the rhetoric and actions of political leaders demonstrate that hostility directed at the opposition is acceptable and often appropriate.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Implicit attitudes are weak predictors of relevant behaviors.

    “Of course, one can also critique measures of implicit attitudes, especially on the grounds that they are weak predictors of relevant behaviors.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Partisanship is an important social identity in its own right.

    “If partisanship is an important social identity in its own right, partisans should be averse to entering into close interpersonal relations with their opponents.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Partisanship increasingly signals core values and worldview.

    “Since partisanship increasingly signals core values and worldview, it is unsurprising that partisanship is used to screen social partners.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    The modal member of both parties is a middle-aged, white, nonevangelical Christian.

    “The modal member of both parties is a middle-aged, white, nonevangelical Christian, but this is not the image most people carry around in their heads when they think about Democrats and Republicans.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Most people think in terms of partisan stereotypes: Democrats are urban minorities and young people, Republicans are older, wealthy, or evangelical Christians.

    “Instead, most people think in terms of partisan stereotypes: Democrats are urban minorities and young people, Republicans are older, wealthy, or evangelical Christians.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    No research has identified ways in which affective polarization drives both elite and mass ideological polarization.

    “Fourth, no research that we are aware of has identified ways in which affective polarization drives both elite and mass ideological polarization.”
  • The paper relies on this without support.

    Comparativists have long recognized the importance of group identity to political behavior and attitudes, even if they have not used the language of social identity theory or affective polarization.

    “Comparativists have long recognized the importance of group identity to political behavior and attitudes, even if they have not used the language of social identity theory or affective polarization.”
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Citations

Cites

Show all 88 references

Research works printed but not linked: 7

  1. Klinkner P, 2004, Forum, 2
  2. Lelkes Y, 2018, Forum, 16
  3. Maccoby EE, 1954, Handb. Soc. Psychol., 1, 449
  4. Montagnes BP, 2018, J. Politics, 81, 327
  5. Nelson R. 2015. The war on partisanship: how fighting polarization became its own cause. National Journal, Oct. 30. https://www.nationaljournal.com/s/91684/war-partisanship?mref=home
  6. Panagopoulos C, 2016, Risky business: Does corporate political giving affect consumer behavior?
  7. Pew Research Center., 2017, The partisan divide on political values grows even wider

Cited by

Sorted by citations

Items 2,201–2,300 of 3,218

Metadata

Authors
Iyengar, S., Lelkes, Y., Levendusky, M., Malhotra, N., & Westwood, S. J.
Affiliations
  • Stanford University (US)
  • Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104, USA
  • University of Pennsylvania (US)
  • Dartmouth College (US)
Venue
Annual Review of Political Science
Published
2019-05-11
Volume
22
Issue
1
Pages
129-146
ISSN
  • 1094-2939 (ISSN-L)
  • 1545-1577
OpenAlex
W2904152473
Cited by
3,603
References
88
Citations by year
2026: 683 · 2025: 757 · 2024: 564 · 2023: 536 · 2022: 441 · 2021: 372 · 2020: 211 · 2019: 35
FWCI
145.07
Type
journal article
Language
en
Open access
Locations
Annual Review of Political Science (publishedVersion)
Topics
  • Social Sciences › Political Science and International Relations › Electoral Systems and Political Participation
  • Social Sciences › Sociology and Political Science › Social and Intergroup Psychology
  • Social Sciences › Communication › Social Media and Politics
Keywords
affective polarization, partisanship, partisan animosity, social identity, partisan affect, Democrats and Republicans

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